LORD LYTTON, FAMILY AND STAFF, 1877
Left to right. Standing: Col. Colley, Mil. Sec. (later Sir George Colley); Lord William Beresford, Capt. Rose, 10th Hussars; Col. Villiers, Dr. Barnett, Capt. Liddell, Miss —— (author forgets), Lord Downe, Lady Downe, Capt. Jackson
Seated: Mrs. Burne, Sir John Strachey, Lord Lytton, Lady Lytton, Lady Strachey, Col. Owen Burne, Private Secretary; Lord Kilmaine, brother of Mrs. Burne
Children, left to right: Bina Lytton, Connie Lytton, Fanny Strachey
To many A.D.C.’s it would only be a case of “Le Roi est mort, vive le Roi,” but their late “aide” was much attached to them, and being of an affectionate and loyal nature must have felt rather as though he had been torn up by the roots. That Lord William lived to see the good results of some of the seeds sown by Lord Lytton’s policy and earnest work there can be no doubt, for he surely laid the foundations of some of our latter-day benefits in India. Amongst the measures that must always be associated with Lord Lytton were the Famine reports and Insurance, the equalisation and reduction of the salt duty, the system of Indian Finance profoundly modified by decentralisation, and reconstruction of Provincial responsibility. In recognition of his services when returning from India an earldom was conferred upon him.
To an impartial observer looking back over the lives and works of the different rulers in India, it appears to matter not what the views and policy of each may be, they cannot get away from the fact that they must, and do, reap the benefit to some extent of the work of their predecessors. This must be a consoling thought to the retiring Viceroy, who may feel on leaving India that he will be a thing of the past, but that at any rate his work will live after him, and, maybe, he will be spared to see it grow. Even those who know nothing of India may therefore readily grasp what a difficult thing it is to know the actual share each Viceroy has taken in the measures proposed and carried out during his time. Each Viceroy is of course actually responsible, though his part of the transactions of the Government of India is sometimes confined to a careful perusal of the papers and an affirmatory nod or two at the Council table. That Viceroys work hard and conscientiously there is little doubt, but cannot take real interest in, or have a thorough knowledge of, half the big questions they have to deal with. In some cases the very weight of their responsibility and possible far-reaching personal influence, makes them shy of exerting that influence, preferring to leave many questions to be virtually decided by those who have, or ought to have, first-hand knowledge.
It is only really in matters of foreign policy that a Viceroy is almost compelled to form his own decisions. Then again there is the constant pressure exercised by the Secretary of State. Every mail the Viceroy writes a long letter to the Secretary of State at home, and every mail he receives a letter containing the views and decisions of the latter. Also long cypher telegrams are continually passing between the two, so that the policy or decision and acts of a Viceroy are very often not his own, but have been dictated to him by the Secretary of State. It is well, however, to bear in mind that if things go wrong, it is the Viceroy who is abused by the British public, the Press, and quite possibly by the Secretary of State as well. It does not as a rule take a Viceroy very long to find out Secretaries of State are not infallible, and that it is a risky business to go against the opinions of his members of Council, each of whom have the key to the whole situation, and is on the spot, while the Secretary of State is not, and has to judge by documentary evidence, not always at first hand, and naturally robbed of the atmosphere surrounding the matter requiring decision. All who have any knowledge of diplomatic situations and work, know what an important part this plays, and how misleading a written temperature may be to those not present and therefore unable to keep their finger on the pulse of the moment.
This may sound as if it had nothing to do with the subject of these memories, but as a matter of fact it has. It was because Lord William so thoroughly appreciated the worries and difficulties surrounding the life of those he was serving, and because he was always ready to help in any way possible outside his own particular calling, that he became so valued by them all. He could be relied upon to carry out, and see through, any tiresome social problem, could be depended on to remember and produce almost verbatim established precedents of the time he had been in India and some time before, as he had closely studied Indian history on his arrival in the country. How clearly he had mastered detail was proved to me several times later in his career.
Once in London, I think in June, 1885, if I remember rightly, when speaking to him of the different castes and their faiths, I was much interested and surprised at the feeling way he spoke of and in a measure appreciated their feelings, of the Parsees, whom he described as the Jews of India, with their great wealth and expenditure, endowing schools, building hospitals, and taking part in many great financial undertakings, so full of soul and feeling, that they will not allow their dead to pollute the earth, yet do not hesitate to offer up the human bodies of those they loved as plunder and food to the disgusting, flesh-eating vultures, who sit watching the white road leading from the City of Bombay to the “Tower of Silence.” It is revolting to hear the cry of those almost featherless, horrid-looking birds, as they see another pathetic procession winding its way up the hill. Of the Hindus, who while considering it wicked and cruel to kill, and against their religion, still will work their cattle until unable to stand any longer, and then leave them to die of thirst and misery, rather than put them out of their pain. Animals in India are supposed to possess souls, and are worshipped, that being the case one wonders they dare so ill-treat them.