The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, had also premeditated the death of the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, and, with this view, asked the emperor’s consent to assassinate him. The emperor, though very reluctantly, yielded to the wish of his vezír, who immediately gave directions to his domestics and officers how to act in this matter when Ahmed Páshá, who was then expected from Constantinople, should arrive. He placed a sentinel on the shore, who, so soon as he saw Ahmed Páshá arrive, was to give him notice: the executioners put themselves in readiness. It was not long before the sentinel above-mentioned announced the approach of Ahmed Páshá; and informed Murád, that at the moment he was stepping on shore, a young man came sailing up to him in a boat, and put a sealed note into his hand. Ahmed Páshá no sooner read the contents of this note, the sentinel said, than he immediately sailed back for Constantinople. This information necessarily awakened surprise and doubt in the mind of the grand vezír, who secretly set about employing persons to find out the boatman who had been commissioned to convey the bearer of the note. The boatman, on his discovery, related to the grand vezír all the particulars as to the manner in which he had been hired, and the trouble he had endured before he met with Ahmed Páshá at the pier. The vezír asked him if he thought he should be able to recognize the young man who had delivered the note to Ahmed Páshá, and whose dress he had already described. He replied in the affirmative: stating, that he, the young man, on delivering the note, had gone directly towards the camp. The vezír immediately caused the boatman to change his clothes, and despatched him, with some of his officers, to the camp, to commence the search. The whole camp, from tent to tent, was minutely examined for several days without success, when a mere accident discovered the delinquent. Two of the vezír’s domestics had fallen into a violent dispute, in which they mutually accused each other of treachery to their master. The treasurer, Hasan Aghá, overheard them, and resolved to chastise them; when one of them whispered something into his ear. This induced the treasurer to conduct him into the presence of the vezír, when he confessed that he and four others of his fellow-domestics had been in the practice of receiving daily a pecuniary remuneration from Ahmed Páshá for giving him information of every thing they knew relative to their master’s administration or conduct. The boatman was again called and confronted with this person, and immediately recognized him as being the very man who had given the note to Ahmed Páshá. His four accomplices were instantly executed, but he himself was not only pardoned, but rewarded with a spahilik and a handsome sum of money, for having disclosed the fact. He was, however, dismissed the vezír’s service.
The arrival of Yúsuf Páshá’s and Mesli Chávush’s wealth.—A display of ill will and malevolence.
The persons who had been sent to take possession of the property of Yúsuf Páshá and Mesli returned, two hundred camel-loads of property which had belonged to these two men having been regularly registered and taken possession of. The emperor, on hearing of this, remarked to Murád Páshá, the grand vezír, how successful they had been; not only in vanquishing the two potent enemies above alluded to, but in being also able to replace, in a great measure, the funds which had been expended in fitting out the expedition, by the spoil which had fallen into their hands. But the grand vezír, notwithstanding all he had done, had still many enemies. Mustafa Aghá, ághá of the palace; the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, or Etmekjí Zádeh; and Mustafa Páshá, who had formerly been governor of Constantinople, took every opportunity they could to injure him. They talked amongst themselves, and in the presence of others, that Murád Páshá was entirely averse to his being employed against the Persians. “He is an old frail man,” they said (sneeringly), “and the emperor will not force him.” A hint of this conversation was communicated to his majesty by Muftí Mohammed Effendí. The emperor was displeased at the liberty they had taken with his vezír, and said, “He was a warrior, a most worthy hájí, and a most active and useful vezír: he restored all Anatolia to peace and tranquillity: he overcame and defeated the rebels, and delivered the country of the two formidable rebel-chiefs mentioned at the head of this section: he performed and achieved great deeds; and nothing but envy,” continued his majesty, “could have induced them so to speak of him. That he was by no means pleased with the liberty they had taken, and that the vezír might either go or stay, as he himself saw fit.” This strong expression of his majesty’s disposition silenced, for the time at least, the vezír’s enemies.
After a stay of four complete months at Scutari, the troops returned to Constantinople just about the time of the full moon of the following or fifth month, and seven days before the commencement of autumn, or the time for entering into winter-quarters. Preparations for commencing hostilities against Persia in the following spring were immediately begun and attended to during the interval.
Concerning the naval operations of the lord high admiral, Khalíl Páshá.—Karah Jehennem taken.
When Kapúdán (or lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet) Khalíl Páshá sailed this year for the Mediterranean, and after he had cruised round the largest cape or promontory of Silivria, the second station from the metropolis, an Algerine vessel, commanded by a Genoese, met a Spanish pinnace, which had on board the son of the infidel viceroy of Sicily, a relative of the king of Spain, and about five hundred soldiers. This pinnace was destined to convey the young man to see his high relative, the king of Spain, and to carry certain valuable presents to the same. The soldiers, of course, were sent as a guard to both. When this pinnace met with the Algerine vessel, a most desperate battle ensued, which terminated in the capture of the former. Every living infidel found in this vessel, and the whole of the presents before mentioned, were according to custom distributed amongst the conquerors. The youth referred to was carried and delivered as a present to his majesty the Ottoman emperor. The person who had brought him to the admiral of the Turkish fleet received handsome rewards for having done so; and the young slave, after he was carried to Constantinople, and actually presented before the emperor, was instructed in the Moslem religion, which he readily embraced, and was placed in a special chamber of the palace.
The Turkish fleet now proceeded to Scio, where the admiral received intimation that six mountain-like vessels (of war), belonging to some of the infidel powers, had arrived from Egypt, and were then before Cyprus. The admiral went immediately in pursuit of them; but heard or saw nothing more of them till he arrived before the haven of Báf, where he was informed that they had sailed to the coast of Syria, and had done some mischief in several places. The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, hastened with all the speed he could make, and by break of day he descried their top-sails, when they appeared to be about thirty miles distant. At mid-day, or some little time after it, he made up to them, when a tremendous cannonading commenced from both sides, which was continued till night intervened. The Turkish admiral, though night did come on, never slackened his movements, but continued to keep up with them, whilst the enemy, manifesting no symptoms of fear whatever, lighted up their lanterns, and made all the sail they were able. Day-light no sooner arrived, however, than the battle again commenced. A certain person in the Turkish fleet, a corsair, who had been brought from Barbary by the emperor, and on whom he had conferred the sanják in the Morea, came along the admiral’s ship, and advised him not to come into close contact with the enemy, but to continue playing upon them at some distance. This advice was attended to, and in a short time their masts and rigging were shattered and destroyed, and they themselves totally disabled. In this state they were boarded, and the troops on board, five hundred in number, one hundred and sixty guns, and two thousand muskets, were all seized and disposed of. Four of these captured vessels were conducted to Tamagusta (in Cyprus). One of the three vessels, which was called Karah Jehennem (Black-hell), and resembled a lofty castle, was sent to Constantinople as a trophy of the admiral’s victory. The admiral, after having gained this victory, made the circuit of Sidon, Bairut, Alexandretta near Aleppo, and Tripoli, but did not meet any of the enemy in the whole of this tract. He returned to Tamagusta, took in provisions, and then set sail for the port of Constantinople, where a royal letter and a sable robe, tokens of his sovereign’s approbation, awaited his arrival. He also had the honour of kissing the royal hand, and was raised to the rank of vezír.
On the 9th of Rajab, in this year, the digging of the foundation of the noble mosque of Ahmed Sultán, in the At Maidán, was commenced; and on the 8th of Shevál all the ulemá, vezírs, sheíkhs, and seyeds, assembled together to celebrate the ceremony of laying the first stone.
Ancient treaty with France renewed.
Franciscus Sawari, ambassador of Haricus, king of France (Henry IV.), at the court of Constantinople, at this time presented a request, that the existing treaty of friendship between the Ottoman emperor and the king of France should again be renewed. This was done; and the treaty which was entered into during the reign of the late Sultán Mohammed Khán formed the basis of the new one. By the new treaty, or rather, by this renewed treaty, it was stipulated among other things as follows: 1. That not only British and Venetian vessels, but also those of Genoa, of Portugal, of the two Sicilies, of Ancona, of Spain, and of Florence, trading to Turkey, should be permitted to do so only under the French flag; and that the commanders of all such vessels were to announce their arrival to the French consul of the place or port to which they might come for the purpose of trade. 2. That all persons belonging to France, going to visit Jerusalem, or the monks living at the Holy Sepulchre, or returning from the same, were to be allowed to go and return without molestation or interruption. 3. That the prohibition laid on spun and unspun cotton and on morocco-leather, during the reign of Soleimán, was to be removed. 4. The prohibition laid on bee’s-wax and hides in the days of Mohammed Khán was also to be removed. 5. That all such specie as traders brought along with them was to be received at its usual or current value. 6. Vessels belonging to the French government, employed in carrying provisions from one country unfriendly to Turkey to another country of that description, were, though discovered by Turkish ships, to be allowed to pass unmolested; and, in the event of any vessel belonging to a French subject being seized whilst carrying provisions from any part of the Ottoman dominions, it was to be set at liberty, its freight was to remain untouched, and no more, than three hundred akchas were to be levied on the articles of lading. 7. French vessels entering into any of the havens belonging to the Barbary states were to be respected; and gunpowder, lead, sail-cloth, or any other articles which might be needed, were to be furnished them: for, formerly, the Algerines were in the habit of kidnapping and making slaves of French merchants, and seizing their property. Frequent prohibitions against this practice had been issued during the reign of Sultán Mohammed Khán; and the governor, who happened to be in office when an aggression of this kind took place, was deposed, and ordered to make full restitution. 8. Fishing vessels were to be allowed to fish, and also to take coral on the coasts of Algiers and Tunis. 9. All interpreters belonging to the French embassy were, according to ancient custom, to be free from all kinds of imposts or taxes. 10. French subjects, on paying the just dues to their ambassadors and consuls, were to have all disputes which might arise settled by them: they were to oppress or injure none. 11. Those having a dispute or law-suit with any consul, the dispute or law-suit was to be settled in Turkey. 12. The French ambassador on entering into the royal diván, or into the privy-council, was to have precedence, according to ancient custom, of the Spanish, and all other ambassadors whatever. 13. When a French prisoner or captive was discovered, and the consul declared him to be so, then his master or owner was to send him to Constantinople, where his case was to be thoroughly investigated. 14. Frenchmen, or persons belonging to any country subject to France, living in Turkey, were not to be required to pay a poll-tax. 15. Frenchmen living at any of the sea-ports belonging to Turkey, were not to be prohibited from appointing their own consuls; and such consuls were to be free from all taxes whatever. 16. If a dispute should happen to arise with a French trader, and an appeal was made to a cazí, the cazí was not to decide, unless the French trader had an interpreter present to interpret for him. 18. French ships sailing to or from Constantinople were to meet with no hindrances in the Dardanelles, or force or violence from any Turkish ship, whether of war or not, in the open or high seas. A friendly intercourse between vessels belonging to both nations, was to be faithfully observed. The end or conclusion of the treaty.