Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659

by Mustafa Naima

When the secretary of customs, Abdí Effendí, who had been appointed to carry the news of the victory which had attended the Moslem arms to Constantinople, arrived there, three days and three nights were dedicated by appointment to public rejoicings. Orders were also sent to all the other great cities to follow the example of the metropolis. A robe, a sash, and a richly-ornamented sword and dagger, a splendid tent, besides other valuable presents, were ordered to be sent to the serdár or commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, along with a royal letter expressive of his majesty’s approbation. Splendid swords and daggers, and also robes, were at the same time sent to all the beglerbegs in the royal camp. To the historian of this campaign, Hasan Beg Zádeh, a robe and a sword were also sent.

It is but just to observe, what the warriors who were present in the late wars knew to be true, that the orthodox armies were on two occasions in very great straits, and had suffered much, viz. at Agria (at Mehaj near Agria) and at Kaniza. On the first of these occasions the orthodox troops had to contend with an army composed of soldiers belonging to the seven kings (i.e. to all the European powers). The second was at Kaniza, and which we have endeavoured to describe; but which was much more disastrous to the orthodox troops, on the whole, than the former. Seven successive days’ hard fighting, from morning till evening, and in which the enemy maintained the superiority till God himself inspired their powerful enemy with terror, when they all fled, was of itself no easy task. Forty-three days, from first to last, were also spent in the arduous undertaking of reducing Kaniza, which was forced to capitulate only in consequence of the misfortune which had happened to its powder magazine, and which left the place almost a naked rock in the midst of a marsh. The troops also suffered greatly from the want of provisions, and which could not be obtained even for money. A wakáyet of salt could not be had for a dollar: so great was the scarcity of all sorts of provisions on this memorable occasion. The janissaries (who certainly do not appear to have deserved any praise) were on the point of retiring altogether, and would not, most assuredly, have remained in the camp another day, had not the fortunate events which we have described above, taken place. Such were the difficulties which the orthodox Moslem army had to encounter in these wars.

Kaniza, after having been put into a state of thorough defence, was, with its dependencies, put under the command of the beg of Kústandil, Alája Eili Hasan Páshá, and its spiritual jurisdiction was conferred on Kádurí Effendí. Twenty odás, with their officers, under the command of Sefer Aghá, a Segbán báshí, were left to garrison it; besides three thousand more who were to act in the capacity of spáhís. Sigetwar, Petcheví, Shuklúsh, Usk, and Kaniza, were all put under the supreme jurisdiction of the above-mentioned Hasan Páshá. To each of the plebian troops two pieces of money were given, and they were all registered among the troops of Buda and Agria. The serdár, on his return from Kaniza, halted near Perzencha, where he ordered a new apalanka to be erected. Having crossed the Drave near Yakúah, he passed on towards Usk, where he permitted his army to disperse. The beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincials, was sent into winter-quarters at Perizrin; and the beglerbeg of Anatolia, with his troops, were sent for a similar purpose to Banialúka. The ághá of the janissaries was allowed to return to Constantinople, and the victorious serdár himself returned to Belgrade.

Hájí Ibrahím Páshá defeated by Kara Yazijí (Scrivano).

We have already had occasion to notice the conduct of the notorious rebel, Kara Yazijí, and how in consequence of intrigue and false representation, he was appointed to the sanják of Chorum. In consequence of this odious rebel’s having returned to his former doings, Ibrahím Páshá was sent from Constantinople with communications to Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, a vezír of the sixth rank, who was to conduct an army against the rebel, and who also had been appointed commander-in-chief in room of Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Baghdád. In the event of Hasan Páshá’s prolonging his stay at Baghdád, he was further instructed to proceed with the Anatolian troops, and endeavour by every effort he could employ to get the above-mentioned rebel and his brother, Delí Husein, into his power. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, accordingly, went with his army in search of these men, and fell in with them at Cæsarea, at the head of twenty thousand insurgents, where he offered them battle, and which they did not decline accepting. The contest was severe and bloody, and Ibrahím was finally obliged to seek his safety in retreat. The victorious insurgents pursued him with an ardour worthy of a better cause, slew fifteen officers, and more than one thousand janissaries in the pursuit. It was with much difficulty that Ibrahím escaped into Cæsarea, and those of his followers who had not been so successful, fell victims to the fury of the insurgent army.

This event which we have here recorded is said, in some histories, to have occurred in 1008 of the Hijrah; but most of them place it among the events of the year we are now noticing, i.e. 1009. Besides, the orders which government had issued respecting this infidel, and which were sent to the inhabitants of Cæsarea, are dated on one of the first ten days of Rabia II., 1009 of Hijrah.

The story concerning Gira, the Jewess and her children, before noticed, is mentioned in the Fezliké of Hájí Khalífeh as having taken place last year, but the author of the history we have followed in relating the account, and Kara Chelebí Zádeh Azíz Effendí, place it where we have placed it. One of the sons of this infamous Gira, however, embraced the Moslem faith, and thus escaped the death which the whole of the rest of his family suffered. He went under the name of Iksák (lame) Mustafa Chávush. He died in the khán or inn of Devlet Sultání Ibrahím. The whole of the effects of Gira were confiscated by the government, and it is said they amounted to a very great sum. Her wares, independent of her jewels and estates, were sold for more than five hundred yúks of money.

The káímakám, or governor of Constantinople, Khalíl Páshá, on account of some connivance he had with the Jewess whose tragic end we have related, met with strong opposition from the spáhí tribe, and was therefore removed from his high office, and was succeeded in it by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, in the month of Shevál of this year; but who ten days after was succeeded by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. The reason for this last change must now be explained.

During the time the Moslem army lay before Kaniza, Dimoo, the messenger of the odious Michael, arrived at the Moslem camp with proposals to the Ottoman government respecting the fortresses of Yanwah and Lipovah, and was forwarded by the commander-in-chief to Constantinople; the reïs-effendí was also sent along with him, bearing communications from the commander in-chief.

The káímakám, Khádem Háfiz Páshá, remembering the stratagem which Michael had practised on Háfiz Ahmed Páshá at Nicopolis, by means of this said Dimoo, as before related, the anger of the Páshá was raised to a high degree when he saw this messenger of deceit, and consulted the mufti concerning him. The mufti gave it as his judgment that no proposals whatever ought to be received from the odious Michael, nor any agreement entered into with so infamous a wretch, who, along with his deceitful ambassador, ought to suffer death. The káímakám, after hearing the judgment of the high priest, and without further ceremony, took summary vengeance on this satellite of mischief, by binding him to a tree and punishing him according to the nature of his crimes. Besides this act of summary justice exercised upon the person of Michael’s messenger, and which was construed into an act of contempt manifested towards the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, who had forwarded Dimoo to Constantinople, the káímakám, at the very time Ibrahím was carrying on the siege of Kaniza, sent off a chávush with orders to make inquiry about matters on the frontiers, without once manifesting any regard to the authority of the commander-in-chief, to whom all these affairs properly belonged. This instance of open contempt awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, which, no doubt, was heightened by the conduct of the káímakám towards Dimoo, whom he had sent to court, led him to seek revenge. The chávush he confined in prison at Belgrade, and immediately wrote to the queen-mother, and to the ághá of the sublime court, a statement of the káímakám’s conduct, pointing out to them the evils that would result from the plan pursued by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, both as it respected themselves and the enemy. No messenger, he maintained, if such a method as the one above described was to be pursued, would either come from the enemy to them, or go from them to the enemy. In short, no consultation whatever, he insisted, could be entered into, if the persons of messengers were not to be respected. It was as much as to say, at least in the instance adverted to, that no confidence whatever was to be placed in either the sayings or doings of the commander-in-chief, or any trust in his majesty’s minister-and much more to the same purpose. His statement was laid before the throne, when immediately Khádem Háfiz Páshá was turned out of office, and Yemishjí Hasan Páshá appointed in his stead.