The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, at length left Constantinople, and with great pomp and show proceeded to Dávud Páshá, where his tent had been erected for him. The grandees and nobles of every rank accompanied the illustrious commander, and showed him every mark of esteem and respect; and it is certainly true that no vezír ever met with more honour from any emperor than did Alí Páshá from the reigning monarch. On the fifth day of the above month his imperial majesty accompanied the heroic army as far as Halkalú, where he took a view of them from his lofty palace, and admired the splendid appearance they presented. The grand vezír, on this occasion, requested his majesty to order the funds necessary for conducting his army and carrying on the war to be sent him; but whilst waiting at the above place for the anticipated ducats, he received a most threatening royal letter, which intimated to him in the plainest terms, that, if he wished to keep his head on his shoulders, he must not delay his march one single day longer. The grand vezír, compelled to activity, was making arrangements the following day for complying with the threatening intimation which had been sent him, when it began to be rumoured that the bostánjí báshí had been sent by royal orders to call Háfiz Ahmed Páshá to court, and that he was appointed by royal commission to the káímakámship of Constantinople. Súfí Sinán Páshá, who had been appointed to this high office by the grand vezír, as before observed, had actually entered on the duties of the deputyship, and had done the customary obeisance to the emperor after his appointment: such, indeed, was the fact. On the Friday of that week, as Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was performing his devotions, the royal commission appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople reached him. He accordingly without delay repaired to his own palace, and ordered the diván to meet on the following day. He also sent his saláms (compliments) to Súfí Sinán Páshá, and with the view of making him acquainted with the change his majesty had thought proper to make, desired him likewise to attend. Súfí Sinán, when he saw Háfiz’s messenger, thought, at first, he was come from Alí Páshá, and asked him if the grand vezír had sent him. “No,” said the officer, “it was Háfiz Ahmed Páshá.” “Am I to understand by this message,” asked Súfí Sinán, with some degree of surprise, “that Háfiz is appointed káímakám?” The officer answered in the affirmative. Súfí Sinán, on having his doubts solved, rose up and went to congratulate Háfiz on his appointment, as if he had been altogether a neutral person, and in no way affected by the change.
Early next morning, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá went to the diván, where he caused several propositions to be drawn up in reference to the two holy cities, Mecca and Medina, which were afterwards read in the presence of his majesty. Before the members of the diván had dismissed, however, he caused another paper to be drawn out, wherein he asked permission to go and see the grand vezír. This paper he folded up with the other papers relative to Mecca and Medina, and laid them before the throne; returned to his own palace, he ordered his horse to be in readiness, as he meant, he said, to set out on a journey to Chatálijeh, a considerable distance from Constantinople. The distance however, on the one hand, and the heat of the weather on the other, he considered were so great that he should be unable to be back in time for the meeting of the diván on the following day; he therefore gave up all idea of proceeding, and entering into a secret chamber, commenced talking of visiting his majesty and the grand vezír. Whilst his domestics were wondering in themselves what he would next take into his head, an officer from the emperor’s chaplain arrived, and advised the páshá not to go to the vezír. “There was no need for it,” he said; “besides the grand vezír was a furious man, and might offer him some disrespect.” Such was the import of the officer’s advice, which he had been desired to communicate by his master to Háfiz. However, Háfiz was successful in another way, which was this: One Kullili Dilsiz soon afterwards called on Háfiz, and told him that he was carrying letters to the grand vezír from the emperor, which had some reference to him, and advised him to take an opportunity of following him. He did so; had an interview with the grand vezír at Chatálijeh; and returned in time sufficient to attend the diván the following morning.
It has been conjectured that the grand vezír (now called the serdár or commander-in-chief), on his arrival at Adrianople, had removed Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí from the office of the high priesthood, and had appointed Siná allah Effendí in his stead. His removal was entirely owing to the enmity and preconcerted measures of the late Kásim Páshá, and the emperor’s chaplain.
Alí Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief, continued his march towards Belgrade; but a disease with which he had been afflicted was so very much increased by the late unhappy events which had distressed him, that his health declined considerably. The vexation he endured in consequence of the instalment of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá into the deputyship, preyed so much on his spirits that by the time he reached Sophia, he was unable to take food or nourishment of any kind. He became worse and worse at every succeeding stage, and had scarcely reached Belgrade, and saluted Mohammed Páshá, the acting commander-in-chief, when he gave up the ghost. His death took place on the 28th of the month Sefer. Such is the history and end of Alí Yávuz Páshá grand vezír and commander-in-chief.
We must now advert to the history of the other commander-in-chief, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, who was appointed to conduct the Moslem army against the Persians.
Jeghala Sinán Páshá was the oldest of all the beglerbegs when he was appointed to the chief command in the east: he was once, for a short time, grand vezír; afterwards válí of Syria; and lastly lord high admiral of the Ottoman fleet. This office he held at the moment when the government had fixed on him for taking the command of the forces employed against the Persians. He was, therefore, a person who was acquainted with the art of war, both by sea and land. It was in consequence of the high reputation which he had acquired, and of the knowledge which he possessed of the countries of the east, and in which he himself had served, that the late grand vezír had requested his appointment.
On the 16th of Dhu’l hijja he passed over to Scutari, as we have already observed; and on the 17th he commenced his march with such troops as were there waiting for him, and which were composed of various kinds. On reaching Nicomedia (in Bythinia) the feudatory troops which composed his right wing began to represent that they belonged, properly, to the army of Romeili, and asked if they were to be paid wages if they continued in conjunction with the army of Anatolia. A firmán was immediately issued which assured them that they should. On arriving on the confines of Erzerúm, he was joined by the followers of the late Delí Hasan, along with their leader Karah Kásh Ahmed, who all swore fealty to the Ottoman government, pretending at least to have repented of their misconduct and rebellion. In a few days more he was joined by several others, particularly by the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusháh Sefer (a very brave man, and remarkably well skilled in horsemanship, who was raised to dignity and honour from the humble situation of serving in the imperial kitchen) with four thousand men, well armed, whom he had collected in the greatest haste. The active Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, with three or four thousand veterans, met the grand army in the plains of Pas. On the 15th of Jemadi II., the whole of the Moslem army reached Kurus, when they halted for ten days, in order to give time for other troops to join the royal standard, and for the return of Karah Kásh Ahmed, who had been sent out on a depredatory excursion.
Sháh Abbás, when he heard of the advance of the Osmánlís, removed his troops from Reván and from Akcha Kalla, where they had been posted, and retreated. This information had no sooner reached the Moslem camp, than Sefer Páshá addressed the commander-in-chief for permission to advance with a party of veterans and intercept the sháh in his retreat. “His army was comparatively small,” said Sefer, “and if you advance with the grand army in the ordinary way, to my support, I am not without hopes, if you agree to my proposal, of being able to bring the sháh bound in fetters before you.” Such was the heroic language of Sefer Páshá, but the serdár was deaf to all his entreaties. He pretended to be waiting for the arrival of Karah Kásh; and even when Karah Kásh did arrive, he was as far as ever from complying with Sefer Páshá’s proposal. Thus, by delay and hesitation, the enemy was not only allowed to withdraw to a greater distance, but had time afforded them for preparing to offer a more formidable resistance; whilst the grand army by this procedure, was exposed to greater danger, to more difficulties, and to a less chance of success.
The commander-in-chief was indeed at length roused to some activity; but it was only when he perceived the season for warlike operations fast passing away, without his having gained one single advantage, that he was thus roused. Without paying any regard to the councils of Sefer Páshá, which might have been attended with glorious results, had he allowed himself to be swayed by them, he again commenced his march in pursuit of the retreating enemy, and even sent letters to the sháh offering him battle, but the wary sháh paid no regard to his invitations. By the time the grand army reached Nakhcheván, the sháh and his army had safely got into the jurisdiction of Tabríz. The commander-in-chief now saw his error, but it was too late to correct it; and he was destined, in consequence of his own tardiness and want of skill, to become more pre-eminently the sport of fortune. The country round Nakhcheván had been, a little before, the theatre of rebellion and of devastation; and in consequence of this, the cities and villages were enduring the greatest calamity from famine, at the time the Moslem army arrived in Nakhcheván. The serdár, when he perceived the dismal condition he and his army were in, proposed marching towards Shirván, where his son, Mahmúd Páshá, was beglerbeg. The chiefs of the army appeared before the serdár, and told him he might do what he liked, and take what journey he pleased, but the heretics were not to be overtaken. It was quite impracticable, they said, to follow them with a large army; nor would it prove any advantage, they further observed, to march against Tabríz and lay siege to it. The season for retiring into winter-quarters was just at hand, and they therefore thought it would be more prudent to return to their own country. The serdár was totally averse to this proposal, and endeavoured to dissuade them from urging this measure. He did so by representing to them how desirable it was to terminate the campaign honourably; that there still remained a chance of their succeeding; and that it would be much more wise, under all circumstances, to take up their winter-quarters in Gunjah and in Karabágh, than to return to Turkey before they had accomplished something worthy of their name. This speech had the desired effect: the troops struck their tents, and marched forward towards Tabríz. After having passed the river Ars, and accomplished a few stages, they learned that they were within a stage or two of coming up with the sháh, who was retreating with all his might before them. Sefer Páshá, Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and Alasha Atlí Hasan Páshá, earnestly implored the commander-in-chief to be allowed to proceed with a body of light troops and overtake the sháh, but he again refused to grant them their request, and maintained his usual obstinacy. On reaching Wán, he distributed his troops into different cantonments, but he himself remained at Wán for the winter. The more discerning of the troops, it must be observed, however, opposed the serdár, and endeavoured to dissuade him from disbanding his army, but their efforts were all in vain. They represented to him that the steps he was about to take were altogether inconsistent with the general safety; and for a commander-in-chief to winter on the frontiers, without any army, might be very aptly compared, they said, “to a head without hands or feet.” Moreover, they maintained that the thing was altogether unprecedented. The serdár, as we have already observed, continued inflexible; took up his quarters in Wán, and conferred the government of the country on Ahmed Páshá. Ahmed Páshá being indisposed when this appointment took place, the serdár sent his chief physician to perform the duties of the new governor, and finally conferred the situation on Alí Páshá.
In the meantime, however, the serdár found means to conciliate the Kúrdistán chiefs, and called them together to the city of Wán, with the view of consulting them about his affairs and the state of things in general. But the sháh no sooner learned that the serdár had dispersed his army than he collected together his detestable and diabolical heretics, with the intention of attacking Wán. He accordingly despatched a division of these atheists towards Wán, whilst he himself, under cover of the night, followed that division with the whole of his disposable forces, and took up his position before Wán, but at such a distance that no cannon could reach him. At daylight on the following morning the unfortunate and infatuated serdár had his eyes opened to the very critical and hazardous situation into which his obstinacy had brought him. He tried to make the best of it he could. He assembled all the Kurds and others that were in Wán together, and deputed one Rázieh Zádeh Mustafa to take the command of them. Mustafa and his troops made a sortie, but they found the heretics too numerous for them and returned. Khundán Aghá and his two sons were unfortunately taken prisoners by the Kuzil báshes on the above occasion.