In consequence of all this, the Sulu has been pictured to the outside world as a black devil incarnate, borne in mischief and conceived in iniquity; without a human characteristic, barbarous and savage as his second cousin the orang-utan of Borneo. The Sulu had no means or chance of pleading his cause before an international court, and his cry could not be heard or registered by a foreign hand or press. He was not met except with a predetermination to fight him. He was not approached except with the intention of sharing his treasure. He was not invited except to surrender his right of government and no alternative was offered him except tribute or death. It is out of reason to expect such people to abandon their customs, traditions, government, and religion without a struggle. It is out of reason to expect them to yield to threats and be daunted by a bombshell shot from a distance. The jungle is thick and extensive, their boats and sails are ready and light; they know the routes of the sea and can follow the currents of the ocean in the dark as well as in the light. The coasts of Borneo and the Celebes are not too far from them, and living there is as cheap and easy as at home. It is beyond reason to expect that all sultans, datus, and panglimas will resign their offices, give up their rank and privileges, and be content to plant corn on the hillside or catch fish along the beach. The laws of nature are not ambiguous, and man is man whether his skin is white or brown.
The chief difficulties Spain had to contend with in the south arose out of the natural weakness of her system of administration. Her Governors-General changed frequently. The Moro question received a secondary attention, and no definite policy or settled course of action was ever systematically worked out and followed. What Corcuera planned was not carried out by his successors, and measures which were approved by General Terrero were disapproved by General Weyler and ignored by General Blanco. Had Governor-General Urbiztondo preceded Governor-General Claveria, Jolo might have been attacked and conquered before 1851, and had Governor-General Malcampo preceded Governor-General Urbiztondo, the garrison of Jolo might have been established twenty-five years earlier.
The policy of Governor Parrado was not followed by Governor Arolas, and the plans and pledges of the latter were not fully respected by his successors. Treaties were made to be broken rather than to be obeyed, and at the end of three hundred and twenty years of protracted relations with Sulu, no satisfactory policy can be said to have been decided upon at either Madrid or Manila. The treaty of 1878 was a temporary expedient. It was not intended to express a policy nor did Spain intend to restrict her influence to the provisions of a treaty nor to tie her hands so fast for any length of time. Spain was intent on the complete conquest of Sulu, the assimilation of all the Moro tribes, and the unification of government, religion, and civilization throughout the Philippine Archipelago. This ideal was the hope of all governors of Sulu and formed a concealed motive that prompted their actions and guided their administration. The governors of Sulu differed only in their ideas as to the length of time which should pass before the Sulus should be denied their autonomy, and the methods by which the change could be best brought around. There were opportune and inopportune times to interfere, which were left for the Governor-General to decide, and in the majority of cases his decision was controlled not by the immediate needs of the occasion, but by interests pertaining to the general administration of the Archipelago, which left partial attention and inadequate means available for the solution of the vexatious difficulties in the south. Generals who were anxious to distinguish themselves, took the first opportunity that offered itself, but satisfied themselves with the immediate results of victory or the simple correction of the wrong calling for military action, without bearing in mind the general situation and the requirements of the next step that should be undertaken as part of a course planned for the carrying out of a settled general policy. Thus bound to observe the general provisions of the treaty of 1878, and limited in the authority granted them from Manila and in the strength of the garrison assigned to Jolo, the governors of Sulu felt their hands completely tied, and consequently they could not accomplish much and left matters to drift with the current of events.
During the governorship of General Terrero, Governor Arolas was given a free hand and sufficient troops to carry out his plan; but Arolas was not much more than a fighting man and an excellent post commander, and the evils of his strenuous measures outweighed the good he accomplished; and when the Jolo garrison was subsequently reduced by Governor-General Weyler his policy could not be continued and was necessarily doomed to utter failure.
However, nobody was quicker to note such mistakes and to observe the needs of the situation than the Spanish officers themselves, especially inspectors-general who were commissioned to investigate matters and conditions in Sulu, and historians who made a study of Sulu affairs.
Report of Baltasar Giraudier
Of works of this nature we give brief accounts of the estimable report of Baltasar Giraudier, Director of the “Diario de Manila,” which was presented to the Governor-General, Domingo Moriones, in 1880, and the noteworthy remarks and recommendations of the author of “Apuntes sobre Jolo,” Miguel A. Espina, colonel of infantry.
Baltasar Giraudier accompanied General Malcampo to Jolo in 1876 and made special inquiry into the situation in the south. He clearly stated that the terms of the treaty of 1851 could not be carried out (to advantage). Failure to observe this treaty provoked the sultan and Sulus to impatience, resistance, and a rebellious attitude. Referring to the Jolo campaign of 1876 he estimated the strength of the attacking army at approximately 11,000 troops, and described Jolo as an actual churchyard, held in a constant state of siege, and a great cost to the nation in men and money. Naked facts, he asserted, did not justify former expeditions, and hostilities were often provoked for ulterior motives. Considerable harm resulted from such misdirected measures, while much good to both nations could have been derived from a policy of attraction, frank, loyal, and disinterested. He called the attention of the authorities to the necessity of a faithful observance of the terms of treaties, in order to expect and demand with right and respect a reciprocal observance of such treaties by the Moros; to the advisability of honoring and strengthening the authority of the sultan in order to secure his good will and coöperation in maintaining peace and harmony and in repressing the evil tendencies of rebellious datus and subchiefs; to the great advantages that may arise from reëstablishing the salary of the sultan and promoting those friendly relations which tend to strengthen the Sulu alliance and render this state a stronghold and a protecting wall against invasion from foreign countries. He condemned the treaty of 1878 as limiting the government’s freedom of action and checking the progress and success of the nation’s policy.
He reiterated that there is great need and necessity of defining the policy of the nation relative to Sulu and the Moro country in general. Such a grave question should be settled on a firm basis and should not be subject to the caprice of an individual governor or commander of a war vessel. No opportunity should be allowed for ignorance, malice, false pretexts, and ulterior motives that defame the national honor, weaken the policy of the government, or work to the detriment of the people and the country. He pointed to several incidents of wrong conduct or imprudence on the part of officials which provoked trouble and war and left on the Moros an impression that the Spaniards were acting deceitfully and in bad faith. The general policy he outlined for the information of the government and for the uniform conduct of all officials was submitted in the form of recommendations, the most important of which are briefly noted as follows:
1. The sultan and datus should be treated with respect and consideration.