The present population of Argentina is only about five to the square mile. In 1869 the population was estimated at less than two million. A dozen years later it had risen to three million, and in 1895 it was still less than four million. From 1857 to 1897 the number of immigrants was estimated at a million and a half in round numbers. Of the total number of inhabitants those of other than Latin origin probably do not much exceed one hundred thousand in number—by this I mean those who do not inherit Latin blood from one parent or the other. This would not include the native races that dwell in considerable numbers in some of the territories. It means that Latin customs and traditions are likely to continue to prevail, although they will be considerably modified by the conditions and influence of a new land. The old conservatism and hindrance of tradition will, to a great extent, disappear before the new-world aggressiveness and progressiveness. Thus there will be a new type, which can already be traced, with perhaps a French stamp upon it, but it will nevertheless be distinctively Latin.
The growth of cities and towns in Argentina has been out of proportion to the increase in population. Buenos Aires, of course, receives the largest number, but the same disposition to reside in the crowded centres is apparent in Rosario, Bahia Blanca, Tucuman and the other cities. This massing together in municipalities is not the healthiest condition that could be devised. As none of these cities are manufacturing districts this concentration of population hinders economic development in a nation whose resources are in the cultivation of the soil. Every man thus withdrawn from farm work is a loss to the producing power of the country, for much land is lying idle for the simple reason that labourers are lacking. Until the bulk of the land is alienated from the present princely estates and broken up into smaller holdings it seems likely that these conditions will continue to prevail. A change may occur before long, as many of the big landowners borrow money at exorbitant rates of interest in order to live in luxury. This will possibly result in breaking up some of these holdings. If the government would enter upon a systematic campaign to encourage the homesteader and small farmer, much good of a permanent value might be accomplished, and a stable as well as intelligent population be built up. The fertile soil and kindly climate of this republic ought to easily support a population of more than five times the present number.
Politics has been one of the curses of Argentina. A certain class has had all the opportunity to get the benefits of office holding. The politicians work night and day—they are the counterparts of our own, and never sleep on the job. A little more tact and grace on the surface only covers the same motive—graft. The elections are always one-sided. Formerly they were conducted at the whim of a dictator or political autocrat; to-day the ballot box is stuffed and the election laws are ignored. The elections are never really an expression of the sentiment of the people. They are held on Sundays at the doors of the churches. Outside the church door are tables around which sit several men. The ballots are of paper and are dropped through slits in the boxes. Many hand their ballots to the receivers to be voted. Some voters openly repeat their ballots by giving different names, and the receivers pay no attention to the palpable fraud. In Rosario, for instance, out of forty thousand Argentine citizens qualified to vote at the presidential election of 1910, only ten thousand registered. Of these ten thousand only one-fourth took out their voting tickets, and of these all did not cast their ballot on election day. Thus less than twenty-five hundred actually voted at the June election in Rosario, in that large city. One party, calling themselves the Radicals, decided beforehand not to go to the polls, because certain electoral reforms demanded by them were not granted. Says the Review of the River Plate: “In electoral matters the country is as backward as it was one hundred years ago, and outside the federal capital there is no freedom of the polls, force always carries the day—and the elections. The official party say that they will not bring forward any candidate for deputy who does not subscribe fifty thousand dollars towards the funds of the party. This is a pretty stiff price, as the period is for six years and the emoluments of a deputy only amount to fifteen hundred dollars a month, which is the highest figure paid to any legislator in any part of the world. The voters’ tickets, when issued, are often traded about and sometimes bring quite a premium about election day.”
Mr. Carpenter tells a story about the mayor of a certain city. On the voting list was the name of a man who was dead, and some one protested: “Why, mayor, Munyoz is dead. Don’t you remember we were together last month when the report of his death came in?” “Oh, yes, I remember,” replied the mayor, “but if he is dead that is all the better; he can’t now make any fuss as to how his vote shall be cast.” Nothing to preserve the secrecy of the ballot has yet been adopted. This has led to much political unrest which has shown itself in various disturbances. Added to this has been the agitation of professional disturbers, who have come here from Italy and Spain and attempted to spread their propaganda of social revolution. It is a fertile soil for such doctrine, for nowhere is the discrepancy between wealth and poverty greater. In one generation hundreds have become wealthy by the growth in land values, the unearned increment, and they spend their money like water. Their arrogance inspires envy in those less fortunate. Argentina may well be glad that the age of demagoguery has not yet been reached, for it is fully as dangerous as open bribery and corruption, in my opinion. At present the country is materially prosperous and every one is able to find employment. The cost of living, however, is very high and rapidly increasing, so that differences between capital and labour seem to be on the increase. The enormous fortunes in the hands of the few, many of them ignorant and without tact, may cause trouble in the future.
It is a mistaken view to think that Argentina is governed by revolution alone. It is true that in the past quarter of a century there have been three more or less serious revolutions, as well as minor disturbances. Two Presidents, Celman and Saenz-Peña, were compelled to resign by these malcontents. As a rule little blood is shed, and it was simply their method of introducing a change. The majority of people simply looked upon them as an interruption to business and a nuisance in general. The government, however, has undergone a great change in recent years. The comic-opera traits have generally disappeared. The constitution is admirable, but its provisions are not always carried out to the letter. The laws are much better administered in the larger centres than in the remote Camp. Bribery used to be common, and was considered as a matter of course as much as stamp dues. This has generally disappeared, at least as an open custom. Many Argentinos no doubt still enter politics with the expectation of enriching themselves and hope to retire with a well filled purse.
It is not a rare thing for a President or other high official to quit public life after many years of service poorer than he went in. President Bartolomé Mitre was one of the more recent types of that kind, as he bore a reputation for financial integrity that was absolutely above reproach. The country is becoming too big for petty graft and petty revolutions. The increasing importance of the nation has rather sobered all classes by a feeling of responsibility for its reputation. The spirit that formerly showed itself in revolutions now occasionally makes itself felt in disorder during strikes. And yet I do not know that this disorder is much greater than has been experienced in our own land. In either country it is reprehensible and is a disgrace to pretended civilization. The authorities have a drastic way of dealing with disorders by declaring a state of siege or martial law. This submits the disturbance to be dealt with according to military law and often effectually stops it. The Italians are there, as here, often the greatest disturbers during the strikes. The bull-fight has been abolished, and they now have no sport that equals in brutality, or exceeds in gambling proclivities, the prize fight, the so-called “manly art.”
Absolute freedom of the press prevails in Argentina, as well as liberty of speech. The papers are at times filled with caustic criticisms of the government which go unnoticed. Public orators also unburden themselves with the most bitter arraignments of officials with impunity. An instance of this nature occurred during the writer’s own sojourn in Buenos Aires. A large meeting was held in the Plaza de Mayo where two socialist orators arraigned the President and his ministers as “a gang of thieves” in the most intemperate language. The Argentine constitution is so free in its wording that the people seem to believe it has no limitations at all. They appear to think that liberty is such an elastic and unfathomable principle that there is nothing beyond. This intemperance, unless checked, bodes trouble for the future. Orators and so-called advanced thinkers must remember that the status of free men is only possible while the beneficiary acknowledges his obligation to bestow the same privileges that he enjoys. If the citizen is protected by law against violence and calumny, he must not be guilty of a violation of the same legal precepts by calumniating the government and its officials. If the officials are forbidden to do acts which are ultra vires, then the citizen must be inhibited against an excessive zeal. An ignoring of these plain principles can lead to nothing else than anarchy and the subversion of all legitimate government.
One cannot study this promising republic without an awakening interest and a considerable degree of admiration. There are faults that one can easily find, and many criticisms that can be made. Its development, however, is recent, even if its history is as old as our own land. The future means much for Argentina, and its advancement during the next decade will be marvellous, unless all signs fail. The North Americans can have an important part in this development, if they desire and pursue the right policy. It is well to study the country and its needs, the people and their wants, and the result will be interesting as well as satisfactory.
THE END.