In order to fully understand the slavery situation it is necessary to go back a number of decades in the history of the country. At the beginning of the 19th century there were perhaps two million of negro slaves in Brazil. From about that period the movement for the abolition of slaves began to make headway. Strong and influential men arose in a number of different states and advocated the gradual eradication of this practice, by freeing all children of slave mothers after a certain age had been reached. It was not, however, until 1830, and after much agitation, that the importation of slaves was made illegal; and for many years after this there was a large clandestine infiltration of blacks. The Emperor was at heart an abolitionist and favoured the movement as much as he dared. The law of 1830 proving ineffectual, in 1854 a vigorous statute was enacted suppressing the ingress of slaves and this was strenuously enforced. At this time the slaves numbered two million five hundred thousand, nearly forty per cent. of the population. The breaking out of the Paraguayan war checked the trend of the abolition movement, but at its close, in 1870, it sprang up again more strongly than ever. In the following year the so-called Rio Branco ordinance was passed, which declared that all children of slave mothers should be free after their majority, as this service should pay for their rearing and education. Proprietors were required to register all slaves. This concession did not satisfy a large element. In a few years a powerful party arose which demanded the immediate manumission of all slaves, and this party numbered among its adherents some of the strongest men in Brazil. Slavery was abolished in the states of Amazonas and Ceará. A further bill, passed by the national assembly, declared all slaves over the age of sixty years free, on condition that they served their masters for three more years, and established a scale of low redemption prices by which the slaves could purchase their freedom. Rio de Janeiro was the centre of the abolition movement, and São Paulo of the slave-holders’ strength. Many wealthy and influential slave-holders in the latter state voluntarily unshackled all their slaves for the sake of principle.

Encouraged by the state of public opinion, thousands of slaves voluntarily left the estates, and the officials generally refused aid in securing their return. So rapidly did the number of those held in bondage decrease that, by 1887, there were only seven hundred and forty-three thousand slaves in the whole empire, a little more than one-fourth of the number a quarter of a century previous. When the Congress met in May, 1888, the speech from the throne announced that “the imperial programme was absolute, immediate and uncompensated emancipation.” A bill was introduced which contained the following two short articles:

I. Slavery in Brazil is declared extinct.

II. All acts to the contrary are revoked.

Within eight days the bill had passed both houses, had been signed by the princess and was the law of the country. The votes against it were hardly numerous enough to be worth the counting. By this act the strongest upholders of the monarchy were alienated.

The rejoicings were confined almost exclusively to the labouring classes, who believed this change would better their condition. Those injured, the great plantation owners, made no open demonstration, but the seeds of sedition were sown. The ambitious group of military officers, who probably saw a chance of personal aggrandizement in a change of government, realized their opportunity approaching. São Paulo was the hotbed of the disaffection, for the big coffee planters of the state felt the loss of slaves more than any other class. Furthermore that state was the home of a group of influential men who were republicans from principle. When the Emperor returned from Europe in August, 1888, an immense reception was organized for him; and that man, whose mental powers and perceptions were not so keen as formerly, failed to discern the uneasy feeling underlying the surface. And yet the plot was then well in hand for the final overthrow of monarchical conditions, as soon as a favourable opportunity presented itself.

It was not until 1884 that any avowedly republican members were elected to the national assembly, and then three were chosen, two of whom afterward filled the office of president. Benjamin Constant, a professor in the military school, in his teachings had spread republican doctrines among the younger officers of the army, and insubordination followed in certain quarters. The ministry seemed impotent against the power of the army. The princess was still disliked, and her husband, the Conde d’Eu, more so, and the Emperor was in failing health. It had been generally understood by both parties that nothing would be done during the lifetime of the Emperor. The regency of the princess had, however, become prolonged and unpopular. As the army became disaffected the conde had endeavoured to form a new Imperial Guard of Honour to protect the throne. A plan was also formulated to send the entire army away in detachments to various parts of the republic, and this was to be done on the 15th of November. It was also rumoured that the Emperor would again place the power of state in his daughter’s hands. On the 14th the report became current that Constant and Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca would be arrested. The ministry did not sleep that night, as rumours had reached it that a part of the army at least would resist removal.

The republicans were busy too, and, early in the morning, a brigade of the army drew up in front of the War Department, and a peremptory demand was sent to the cabinet to surrender. Resistance was useless, for the whole army was estranged. Consequently the entire cabinet telegraphed their resignations to the Emperor at Petropolis. This reached the Emperor just as he was leaving the imperial chapel, where he had attended mass. Dom Pedro started for Rio immediately, which place he reached in the middle of the afternoon. By this time the revolutionary chiefs had met and organized a provisional government, having named themselves as ministers, with General Deodoro da Fonseca as president. A manifesto was promulgated and given to the public proclaiming a republic. The senate, which had been a life position heretofore, was declared abolished and Congress was dissolved. On the night of the 14th the city of Rio de Janeiro had indulged in a celebration, and the Emperor was an honoured guest. On the following evening he was again a guest of the city, but practically a prisoner, for a republic had been proclaimed. The Emperor was notified that he and his family would be compelled to leave within twenty-four hours, but that their lives would be protected, and ample financial provision made for them. On the night of the 16th all the royal family were placed on board a steamer bound for Lisbon. The Emperor died at Paris on the 5th of December, 1891.

The countess still resides in France with her three sons. The eldest of these, the prince imperial, arrived at Rio de Janeiro a few years ago with the intention of making a visit to the land of his birth. The federal authorities refused permission for him to land, as they feared his presence might result in a disturbance.