Chile and Her People of To-day / An Account of the Customs, Characteristics, Amusements, History and Advancement of the Chileans, and the Development and Resources of Their Country

by Nevin O. Winter

Of the Balmacedist troops only two thousand could be mustered after this disaster. But thousands of other troops were hurried to Valparaiso before railroad communication was severed. A slight repulse was given the congressists near Viña del Mar. The army then took a wide detour in order to attack Valparaiso from the southeast. The government forces took possession of the heights at Placilla and awaited the expected battle. Each army at this time exceeded nine thousand men and were evenly balanced. But the government forces were disheartened, even though they occupied an exceptionally strong position. Their cavalry seems also to have been untrustworthy, for they gave no intelligence of this expected move of the enemy. No less than four hundred cavalrymen actually deserted and joined the other army. The country through which the congressists marched was broken, full of small streams and marshes. Hundreds of weary stragglers slept out under the trees. They reached Las Cadenas on the 27th and rested during that night. Early on the morning of the following day they started for the Balmacedist position on the heights, and this seems to have been the first knowledge that army had of the presence of the foe. The revolutionists began the engagement with artillery fire. The advance was stubbornly resisted, but a bayonet charge carried an outpost. A hand-to-hand conflict ensued until the defenders finally threw down their arms. Generals Alcerrica and Barbosa fought valiantly until killed. A horrible slaughter followed and the troops of Balmaceda fled in all directions. The casualties on both sides were heavy. Although the fighting only lasted four hours the government loss in killed and wounded was three thousand, three hundred and sixty-three, and the victors lost eighteen hundred. That same night Valparaiso was occupied, and a night of carousal and lawlessness and bloodshed ensued. Houses were set on fire, and ruffians shot at the firemen as they attempted to put out the flames. The soldiers and mob seem to have been entirely beyond control. The next morning four or five hundred dead bodies were found on the streets.

CHILEAN SOLDIERS.

This battle was the deciding point of the civil war. When the news reached Valparaiso, Balmaceda realized it was useless to continue the struggle. He decided to resign and turn his office over to General Baquedano, a friend of the revolutionists. He issued a proclamation beseeching the citizens to preserve order during the crisis, in order to prevent bloodshed and plunder. On the 29th he turned the office over to General Baquedano in a short and dignified speech. That day being his wife’s saint day, the President had invited in several of his friends to dine. Notwithstanding the changed conditions Balmaceda did not recall the invitations, but acted during the whole evening as a generous host. As soon as his visitors had left, he walked over to the Argentine legation and took shelter. For several days the revolutionists believed that he had escaped the country and fled in disguise. No one suspected that the defeated President was at the house of the Argentine Minister, Mr. Uriburu, afterwards president of Argentina. On the 18th of September, the day upon which his legal term as president expired, the country was shocked to hear that Balmaceda had shot himself that morning at the home of his friend.

Balmaceda feared that his friends might be embarrassed by his presence, and he furthermore believed that his own death would make easier the position of those who had supported him during the trying times of the civil war. It is quite probable, also, that his pride could not brook the idea of a public trial and the humiliation necessarily attending it. To die, also, was to pose in a sense as a martyr. “I could escape,” he said in a letter to his brother, “but I would never run the risk of the ridicule any disaster to such an attempt would entail, and which would be the beginning of vexatious humiliation that I could not endure for myself or my family.” It was, indeed, a tragic end, and was done in a more or less tragical way, as he believed that he thus offered himself as an expiatory sacrifice. He left a message for his friends, which might be called his political testament, in which were these words: “Whenever you and the friends remember me, believe me that my spirit, full of the tenderest love, will be amongst you.” General Baquedano ruled the country for three days until the revolutionary junta reached Santiago, when he relinquished his authority to them. A short time later at a special election Jorge Montt was chosen as Balmaceda’s successor, although Vicuña had previously been selected by the following of the deceased executive. As was to be expected, after such a desperate struggle, Congress was composed of members having a common political platform. It had been decided that the executive should be advised by and rule in harmony with the legislative majority. President Montt accepted the situation and appointed a cabinet acceptable to the majority.

Confidence was soon restored and business quickly adjusted itself. The new President proved to be conservative and non-aggressive. The country was in a bad financial condition, but the nitrate revenues were large. The Balmacedists were gradually brought under amnesty laws, until all were finally permitted to return to Chile. Having been a sailor President Montt took steps to build up a stronger navy, in order to be ready for impending trouble with Argentina. For two years the new administration kept a majority, but a new election gave the Balmacedists the balance of power amidst the warring factions. Montt soon began to experience the same trouble as his predecessors. No party had a majority, and by new combinations of factions the dominating groups were changed. A new cabinet became necessary every few weeks, and no definite policy or program was possible. On the whole this administration was very satisfactory in view of the difficulties under which it laboured. Agricultural and mining depression further embarrassed his administration, but for these no government could be held responsible. President Montt retired from office with the respect of all.

At the election in 1896 Señor Federico Errázuriz, son of a former president of the same name, was elected over his opponent by a majority of one. The new congressional elections still further complicated matters. The liberal groups became more divided than ever. Cabinet crises grew even more frequent, and it was only when Congress was not in session that a ministry could remain in power any length of time. The result was an absolute confusion in legislation. The most serious foreign question was the dispute with Argentina. Excitement in both countries ran high. Warlike speeches were made, and the public mind was unduly excited. Preparations were made for the mobilization of an army of fifty thousand men, and a declaration of war was expected almost daily. President Errázuriz finally took the matter upon himself and asked that the matter be submitted to arbitration. Argentina at last consented. The northern part was to be decided by the representative of the United States in Argentina, Mr. W. I. Buchanan, and the southern section by Queen Victoria, of England. If Errázuriz had done nothing else during his term of office this one act places the whole country greatly in his debt. President Errázuriz died just before his term of office ended, and the duties of the office were filled by the Minister of the Interior, Señor Zañartú, until the inauguration of his successor.

Señor Jerman Riesco was chosen president for the term beginning November 18th, 1901. The same confusion continued during the greater part of his term, so that much useful legislation was rendered impossible. It was not possible for the executive to select a cabinet that would be responsive to his will, but he was obliged to take one selected for him by the legislative body. As President Balmaceda said: “Only in the organization of a popular representative government with independent and responsible powers, and easy means to make that responsibility effective, will there be parties of a national character, derived from the will of the people and ensuing harmony between the different powers of the state.” The several presidents since Balmaceda have realized this condition, but the serious lesson of the civil war has prevented any radical step being taken by the occupant of that office.

At the election in 1906, Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt, was elected to the office of President of Chile. President Montt had served his country in many ways, having been a member of Congress for a long time, had held positions in several cabinets, and had also represented Chile as minister to the United States. Owing to his dark complexion Montt was once taken for a negro in Washington and refused admission to a hotel. He proved to be a conservative and able president, who had at heart the best interests of his country. On few occasions, however, did he have the legislative body with him, and many of his good projects failed. He had ability, tact and honesty of purpose, but met the same obstacles as his predecessors. In July, 1910, President Montt visited the United States. He spent a few days in this country while on his way to Europe to secure medical attention, and was shown numerous official courtesies. He was a spectator of the shooting of Mayor Gaynor on board a steamer in New York harbour. Soon after reaching Europe President Montt was attacked by heart failure, and died in Bremen, Germany, on the 16th day of August, 1910. Señor Elias Fernandez Albano, Minister of the Interior, assumed the office of executive on the death of President Montt. In poor health at the time Acting-President Albano survived less than one month after his inauguration, and died on the 7th of September.

On the 15th of November, 1910, Dr. Ramon Barros Luco was elected President of Chile, and assumed office on the 23rd of December, 1910. Dr. Luco was born in 1835, and has had a long and honourable career in politics. He held the office of Minister of Finance and Minister of the Interior under several different administrations. He has also been President of the Senate, and has filled numerous other responsible positions. He now has the opportunity to round out a long life, which has already passed the scriptural limit, with the highest office in the gift of his countrymen.