The government in Chile is rather different from that of most of the Latin-American countries. In form it is like unto that of the United States; in fact, it is a government of a few of the leading families. In theory the President is the executive head; in practice, that official is very much of a cipher. Absolute powers for the executive, that prevailed for the first half century of the republic, have been abolished, and Congress is now the real ruling power. Whether the country is ruled or misruled the blame must be placed on that body, for its authority is very broad. In it a small group of families, generally said to be one hundred, always predominate. Among these will be some who have become rich through banking or commercial development, but most of them are landowners in families that have been prominent for generations. All the honours and emoluments are kept within this small circle. To it may be added the power of the Church, for that organization has been most powerful in political matters. It has been in times past simply a part of the political system. In recent years the government has insisted on the right to name the Archbishop, and Rome has been practically forced to concede this privilege. As a rule the influence of the Church has been in favour of what might be termed the reactionary element.
As has been stated elsewhere the President is assisted by a body of advisors, the majority of whom are chosen by the parliamentary body. This has led to frequent and oftentimes ridiculous ministerial crises. These numerous cabinet changes embarrass an executive in whatever policy he may be trying to develop. But he is helpless under the theory of parliamentary government that has grown up. Whenever the President proposes a certain cabinet, he is met by a counter proposition from some group or other in the legislative bodies. Sometimes he may gain a little temporary majority by a coalition or fusion of some of the groups represented in Congress. Selfish interests or jealousies, however, soon break the union. It is at times embarrassing to diplomatic representatives, for no sooner have they completed negotiations with one cabinet official than he is succeeded by another. No vice-president is elected, the executive office, if vacated by death or resignation, is filled temporarily by the Minister of the Interior, who is usually a member either of the Senate or House of Deputies. The Congress will then select a new executive. A change in this system, which would make the executive more independent, and provision for a different succession might work marvels. This was the trouble with that able and progressive President, Balmaceda. To carry out his beneficial policies he defied Congress, and a bloody civil war followed.
Politics in Chile seem very much complicated and confused to an American. Instead of two or three parties, the small voting population of the country are divided into no less than seven or eight, with other combinations under new names appearing every year or two. At the present time one can distinguish the following: Conservadores, Liberales, Radicales, Democratas, Balmacedistas, Montinos and Liberales-Democraticos. Of these the most extreme are probably the Radicales, who occupy about the same position in Chile that the Socialists do in our own country. At least they contest for that position with the Liberales, who claim to be the most radical of any of the political parties in Chile.
The Conservadores are the old church party, and are made up of the wealthy land owners, and those who have grown rich in mines, railroads, etc. This party was formerly the strongest political organization, and ruled the country for a long period; but, within the last two decades, it has greatly lost its grip, and the only way in which it cuts much of a figure in the government is when it enters into combinations occasionally with some of the stronger elements. The Democratas are made up principally of the labouring classes, who loudly proclaim what they will do for the downtrodden labouring man, and they are blamed for the strikes and riots in recent years. The Liberales-Democratas are, as the name indicates, in a midway position between the two parties after whom they are named.
The Balmacedistas are those who stand for the things that Balmaceda stood for; that is, for an enlarged power in the executive. This party, it seems to me, is bound to grow because every president is confronted with the domination of the legislative body. The Montistos are made up of the followers of the Montt family, who have been prominent in the country since the downfall of Balmaceda. They include those who favour the rule of the country by Congress.
Politics are no doubt more or less corrupt in Chile, as in many other countries. In this respect the country is neither unique nor original. If one was to believe the statements made in opposition press, just as if one was to believe all such statements made in the sensational “yellow” press of our own country, you would think the entire government was rotten from President down to the lower officials. Free speech and a free press run riot in Chile. There is an inclination to make wild charges, and editorial writers certainly say more than they actually mean.
Elections are oftentimes almost farcical. Nominations for Congress are made very much as with us. Candidates are named, and a campaign is carried on by means of meetings, placards and newspapers. Manifestos and appeals to voters are issued by the various candidates and their supporters. The side that gets control of the election machinery, however, is in a much better position than the one that merely has the votes. They are then counted as the ones in charge desire, and this method is considered proper and legitimate by all parties. Bi-partisan boards and an Australian ballot system are unheard of and unthought—and, furthermore, an undesired innovation. What is the use of having the election machinery in your control and not using it for your candidate? This is the average Chilean view of the subject, and the losers usually acquiesce more or less good naturedly. In this respect the situation is very similar in all the republics south of the Rio Grande River.
In business deals the Chilean is about as honest and reliable as in other countries. Many think the Chilenos are robbers and cut-throats. But it is not so. Those engaged in business in the country give the Chileans a good reputation for honesty. They are procrastinating and slow sometimes in meeting obligations, but they do not attempt to avoid payment; and they are always willing to pay current rates of interest on overdue accounts. My personal experience in Latin countries in that respect has been good, as I have never lost anything whatever from thieves or purloiners in hotels, stations or elsewhere. Many instances of the honesty of hotel servants, cab drivers and other workers are told by foreigners, who have been in Chile. The lottery and bull-fight have both been abolished in Chile, and this speaks well for another form of honour among the Chilenos. The bull-fight has disappeared from a number of the republics, but Chile stands alone in prohibiting the lottery which is one of the curses of all her neighbours. The lottery-ticket vendor is usually one of the first persons seen in a Latin-American country.
Military service in Chile is compulsory. It is not a crushing burden, however, for the regular army does not exceed fifteen thousand men. This proves that military service is not enforced very strongly, as that number would include only a small proportion of those subject to duty each year. One year is supposed to be spent with the colours, after which the conscript passes to the first reserve for nine years, and is then included in the second reserve until he attains the age of forty-five years. Any child born in Chile is subject to this service, so that foreigners sometimes grumble. The instructors in the army are often German officers, and the tactics are strictly Teutonic as well as the costumes. In every way the German influence is noticeable. The personnel of the army is good. The men are hardy, active and vigorous. Their courage has been proved on the field of battle many times. The country is divided into five military zones with headquarters at Santiago.
