[106] State Morality and a League of Nations, pp 83-85.
[107] North American Review, March 1912.
[108] Admiral Mahan himself makes precisely this appeal:—
‘That extension of national authority over alien communities, which is the dominant note in the world politics of to-day, dignifies and enlarges each State and each citizen that enters its fold.... Sentiment, imagination, aspiration, the satisfaction of the rational and moral faculties in some object better than bread alone, all must find a part in a worthy motive. Like individuals, nations and empires have souls as well as bodies. Great and beneficent achievement ministers to worthier contentment than the filling of the pocket.’
[109] It is not necessary to enter exhaustively into the difficult problem of ‘natural right.’ It suffices for the purpose of this argument that the claim of others to life will certainly be made and that we can only refuse it at a cost which diminishes our own chances of survival.
[110] See Mr Churchill’s declaration, quoted Part I Chapter V.
[111] Mr J. L. Garvin, who was among those who bitterly criticised this thesis on account of its ‘sordidness,’ now writes: ‘Armageddon might become almost as frequent as General Elections if belligerency were not restrained by sheer dread of the consequences in an age of economic interdependence when even victory has ceased to pay.’
(Quoted in Westminster Gazette, Jan. 24, 1921.)
[112] The introductory synopsis reads:—
What are the fundamental motives that explain the present rivalry of armaments in Europe, notably the Anglo-German? Each nation pleads the need for defence; but this implies that some one is likely to attack, and has therefore a presumed interest in so doing. What are the motives which each State thus fears its neighbours may obey?