25.A tremendous uproar arose from those who had no knowledge of the plot and who were rushing terror-stricken from the senate house, thinking that the same awful thing was going to happen to themselves also; and from those of Caesar’s associates who were outside and who thought that the whole senate was involved and that a large army was on hand for the purpose; and from those who, ignorant of the affair, were terrified and thrown into confusion from the suddenness of the noise and from what burst upon their view (for all at once the assassins, with bloody daggers in their hands...).[118] The whole place was full of people running and shouting. There was a crowd, too, in the theatre, which got up and rushed out in disorder (there happened to be a gladiatorial exhibition in progress) knowing nothing definite of what had happened but frightened by the shouting all about them. Some said that the senate was being slaughtered by gladiators, others that Caesar had been murdered and that his army had started to pillage the city; some got one impression, others another. There was nothing clear to be heard, for there was a continuous tumult until the people saw the assassins and Marcus Brutus trying to stop the outcry and exhorting[119] the people to be of good courage, for that no evil had taken place. The sum and substance of his words (as the rest of the assassins also loudly boasted) was that they had slain a tyrant. It was proposed by some of the conspirators that they ought to put out of the way still others who were likely to oppose them and again try to gain control. They say that Marcus Brutus restrained them,[120] declaring that it was not right to kill, for the sake of vague suspicion, people against whom there was no clear charge; and this view prevailed. Then rushing forth the assassins fled in haste through the [forum] up to the Capitoline, carrying their swords bare and shouting that they had acted in behalf of common freedom. A great crowd of gladiators and slaves, who had been prepared for the purpose, followed them. There was much running in the streets and through the forum, now that the news that Caesar had been murdered became known to the throng. The city looked as if it had been occupied by an enemy. After the conspirators had ascended the Capitoline, they distributed themselves in a circle about the place and mounted guard, fearing that Caesar’s soldiers would attack them.
26.The body of Caesar lay just where it fell, ignominiously stained with blood—a man who had advanced westward as far as Britain and the Ocean, and who had intended to advance eastward against the realms of the Parthians and Indi,[121] so that, with them also subdued, an empire of all land and sea might be brought under the power of a single head. There he lay, no one daring to remain to remove the body. Those of his friends who had been present had run away, and those who were away remained hidden in their houses, or else changed their clothing and went out into the country districts nearby. Not one of his many friends stood by him, either while he was being slaughtered or afterward, except Calvisius Sabinus and Censorinus,[122] but these also, though they offered some slight opposition when Brutus and Cassius and their followers made their attack, had to flee because of the greater number of their opponents. All the others looked out for themselves and some even acquiesced in what had occurred. They say that one of them thus addressed the body: ‘Enough of truckling to a tyrant.’ A little later, three slaves,[123] who were nearby, placed the body on a litter and carried it home through the forum, showing, where the covering was drawn back on each side, the hands hanging limp and the wounds on the face. Then no one refrained from tears, seeing him who had lately been honored like a god. Much weeping and lamentation accompanied them from either side, from mourners on the roofs, in the streets, and in the vestibules. When they approached his house, a far greater wailing met their ears, for his wife rushed out with a number of women and servants, calling on her husband and bewailing her lot in that she had in vain counseled him not to go out on that day. But he had met with a fate far worse than she ever expected.
26 b.These were now preparing for his burial, but the assassins had secured a number of gladiators some time previous to the deed when they were about to attack him and had placed them under arms, between the senate house and the theatre in Pompeius’ arcade. Decimus Brutus had got them ready under the pretext that he wished to seize one of the gladiators who were assembling in that theatre, a man whom he had previously hired. (The contests were taking place at that time,[124] and as he was going to conduct some himself, he pretended that he was jealous of the present exhibitor.) As a matter of fact, this preparation was more with reference to the assassination, so that, in case any resistance should be offered by Caesar’s guards,[125] the conspirators should have assistance at hand. With these gladiators and an additional throng of slaves they descended from the Capitoline. Calling together the people, they decided to test them and the magistrates, finding out how they were regarded by them; whether they were looked upon as having ended a tyranny or as murderers. ...[126] that still greater ills were likely to burst forth in consequence of the late deed; for the action had taken place with no inconsiderable forethought and preparation on the part of those who accomplished it, and on the part of those against whom the plot was laid; and that there was a considerable number of Caesar’s auxiliary troops and important commanders still left, who would take over the task of carrying out his plans. There was profound silence then because of the unusual nature of the situation, for men’s minds were confused, everyone watching eagerly to see what bold move might first be made in such a crisis, and be the beginning of a revolution. Meanwhile since the people were quietly awaiting the consequences, Marcus Brutus (honored throughout his whole life because of his discretion and the renown of his ancestors and the fairness which he was supposed to have) made the following speech.[127] (See my work: ‘Concerning Public Speeches.’)
27.After this harangue the conspirators withdrew again to the Capitoline and took council[128] as to what ought to be done under the present circumstances. They decided to send envoys to Lepidus and Antonius to persuade them to come to them in the temple[129] and there confer with them in planning the future of the state; and to promise them that everything which they possessed from Caesar’s hands would be considered as authorized gifts, so that there would be no cause for dissent on these grounds.[130] When the envoys arrived Antonius and Lepidus said that they would answer on the following day. These things were done in the late evening, and a greater confusion laid hold on the city. Everyone saw to his own property, deserting the public interests, for they feared sudden plots and attacks, seeing that the leaders were encamped under arms in opposition to each other; nor was it yet clear to them who would gain complete control. When night came on they dispersed. On the following day the consul Antonius was under arms; and Lepidus,[131] having collected a considerable force of auxiliaries proceeded through the middle of the forum, having decided to avenge Caesar. When those who had previously been in doubt saw this, they joined Antonius and Lepidus, with their respective retinues under arms, and the result was an army of considerable size. There were some who acted thus through fear, not wishing to seem too delighted at Caesar’s death, and at the same time looking to their future interests by joining the consuls.
Many messages were sent to those who had benefitted at Caesar’s hands (whether through grants of dwelling places in cities, through grants of land, or allotments of money) saying that everything would be changed unless some strenuous efforts were exerted by them as well. Then his friends received many mournful entreaties, reminding those especially who had once taken the field with him how he had suffered death abandoned by his friends, great as he was. Accordingly, many joined the consuls out of compassion and friendship, finding a chance for private gain as well as what would result from a revolution,[132] especially since the course of their opponents seemed to lack vigor and was not what they previously expected it to be when they believed that they had a stronger force. Now it was openly said that Caesar must be avenged, and that this was the only thing to do, and that his death must not go unpunished. Gathering into groups they expressed various views, some suggesting one course, others another.
However, those who advocated a republican form of government were gratified at the whole change, and only blamed Caesar’s murderers because they had not done away with more of the people who were at that time viewed with suspicion, and thus brought about a real liberty; for those who were still left would be likely to give considerable trouble. There were also men who had a reputation for greater foresight, and who had gained knowledge from experience with what had happened before in Sulla’s time; they cautioned one another to keep to a middle course, for at the time of Sulla those who were thought to have been destroyed, suddenly took fresh courage and drove out their late conquerors. They declared that Caesar would give his murderers and their companions much trouble, even though he was dead, since here was a large force threatening them, with energetic men in charge of it.
Antonius and his associates before preparing for action sent a legation to parley with the forces on the Capitoline, but later, emboldened by the amount of their arms and the number of their men, they felt justified in taking full charge of the government, and ending the disturbance in the city. First of all they took council (having asked their friends to be present) how they ought to act toward the assassins. Lepidus proposed that they should fight them and avenge Caesar.[133] Hirtius thought that they should discuss the matter with them and come to friendly terms. Someone else,[134] supporting Lepidus, expressed the opposite opinion, saying that it would be sacrilegious to pass by the murder of Caesar unavenged, and furthermore, it would not be safe for all those who had been his friends; ‘for even if the murderers are inactive now, yet as soon as they get more power, they will go still further.’ Antonius favored the proposal of Hirtius, and voted to save them. There were others who urged that they be dismissed from the city under truce.[135]
28.After the great Caesar’s death and burial, his friends counselled Octavian to cultivate Antonius’ friendship, and put him in charge of his interests....[136] And though there were many other contributory causes toward disagreement between them, he[137] seemed the more to incite enmity between them, for he was at odds with Octavian, and a partisan of Antonius. Octavian, however, in no wise frightened, because of his high spirit, gave some exhibitions on the occasion of the festival of Venus Genetrix which his father had established. He again[138] approached Antonius with a number of his friends, requesting that permission be given for the throne and wreath to be set up in his father’s honor. Antonius made the same threat as before, if he did not drop that proposal and keep quiet. Octavian withdrew and made no opposition to the veto of the consul. When he entered the theatre, however, the people applauded him loudly, and his father’s soldiers, angered because he had been prevented from paying tribute to the honored memory of his father, gave him, as a mark of their approval, one round of applause after another all through the performance. Then he counted out for the people their allotted money, and that secured him their especial good will.[139]
From that day Antonius was manifestly still more ill disposed toward Octavian who stood in the way of the people’s zeal for him. Octavian saw (what had become very plain to him from the present situation) that he was in need of political authority. He also saw that the consuls,[140] secure in much power, were openly resisting him and appropriating still more power for themselves. Even the city treasury, which his father had filled with funds, they had emptied within two months[141] after Caesar’s death, wasting money in large lots on any excuse that offered in the general confusion; and furthermore they were on good terms with the assassins.[142] So Octavian was the only one left to avenge his father, for Antonius let the whole matter pass, and was even in favor of an amnesty for the assassins. A number of men, indeed, joined Octavian, but many joined Antonius and Dolabella also. There were others who, from a middle ground, tried to foment enmity between them, and in doing so....[143] The chief of these were the following men: Publius, Vibius, Lucius, and especially Cicero.[144] Octavian was not ignorant of the reason why they associated themselves with him, trying to provoke him against Antonius, but he did not repel them, for he wished to have their assistance and a more powerful guard thrown around him, though he was aware that each of these men was very little concerned over public interests but that they were looking about for an opportunity to acquire public office and supreme power. To their mind, the man who had previously enjoyed that power was out of the way, and Octavian was altogether too young and not likely to hold out against so great a tumult, with one man looking out for one thing, another for another, and all of them seizing what they could for their own gain. For with all attention to public welfare put away, and with the foremost citizens separated into many factions, and everyone trying to encompass all the power for himself, or at least as much of it as could be detached, the rule showed many strange aspects.
Lepidus, who had broken off a part of Caesar’s army and who was trying to seize the command himself, was in nearer Spain; he also held the part of Gaul which borders on the upper sea.[145] Gallia Comata Lucius Munatius Plancus, the consul elect, held with another army.[146] Further Spain was in charge of Gaius Asinius, with another army.[147] Decimus Brutus held Cisalpine Gaul[148] with two legions, against whom Antonius was just preparing to march. Gaius Brutus[149] laid claim to Macedonia,[150] and was just about to cross over to that place from Italy; Cassius Longinus laid claim to Syria, though he had been appointed praetor for Illyria.[151] So many were the armies that had been assembled at that time, so many the commanders in charge, each of whom was trying to get complete power into his own hands without consideration of law and justice, every matter being decided according to the amount of force that was available for application in each case. Octavian alone, to whom all the power had justly been bequeathed,[152] in accordance with the authority of him who had obtained it in the first instance, and because of his relationship to him, was without any share of authority whatever, and he was buffeted between the political envy and greed of men who were lying in wait to attack him and seize the supreme command. Divine providence finally ordered these things aright. But for the present fearing for his life, knowing Antonius’ attitude toward him and yet quite unable to change it, Octavian remained at home and awaited his opportunity.