This letter thus confirms the inference we should draw from the state of Oxfordshire, Norfolk, and Durham that on the whole the organisation for the relief of the poor was still insufficient. The public opinion of the time seems to recognise that there was a close connection between the bands of vagrants and the recent enclosures. Men like Lord Norris, the Dean of Durham, and Francis Bacon saw that if the agricultural changes were ultimately good for everyone, in the meantime they were bad for the poor; it was clear that many people had been without sufficient food, and the many insurrections of the time showed that this condition of things was dangerous to the peace of the country. The distress of these years thus brought vividly before men of the time the evils and the danger of the existing economic condition of the very poor, and the resulting awakening of public opinion was probably the chief factor in the creation of the better legislation and more efficient administration of later years.
A pamphlet written in 1597 by Henry Arth gives us considerable insight as to the contemporary ideas with regard to the relief of poverty, and also as to the extent to which the law was executed at the time[297]. The writer makes a list of the various classes included under the term "poor"; he uses the word to include those who require either relief or coercion from the public. He mentions both "such as are yong and lustie yet unwilling to labour," and "such as bee overcharged with children having nothing to maintaine them but their hand labour." It is in this sense that the word is most frequently used at the time. Arth goes on to enumerate the causes of poverty, the sins of the poor and the actions of the "poore makers." The poor were accused of idleness, wasting their goods in "bibbing and belly cheare," discontent and "seldome repairing to their parish churches to heare and learne their duties better." The sins of the "poore makers" throw more light on the economic changes of the time. Amongst these are mentioned the "importable oppression of many landlords," the "unconscionable extortion of all usurers," the "unsatiable covetousnesse in cornemongers," "the discharging of seruants and apprentices," and the "want of execution of good lawes and statutes." Magistrates fail to execute the laws, ministers fail to admonish them, and so "the most do live in disorder." But there are exceptions. The "strangers" in London "may be a patterne in these respects to all our English nation," for they keep all their fellow-countrymen from idleness and begging, and find work and wages for their unemployed. If any of them become poor "their state is imparted unto their company, and then commonly they abstaine one meale on the next Lordes day and give the price thereof towardes the parties maintenance." Moreover some well-disposed English people did their duty in the matter. In some districts a man "shall see not one begger asking any almes (except one or two that keepe the common box according to the order) to take the benevolence of trauellers and strangers so well are the statutes observed in those places."
Wakefield, where the writer lives, is one of these districts, "though the poore be many and needy yet thus much I may speak to my knowledge that if any be pinched with penurie the default especially resteth in themselves though some other persons can not be excused. For, (to the prayse of God bee it spoken) there is not onelie a house of correction according to the lawe, but withall, certain stockes of money put forth into honest clothiers' handes who are bounde with good sureties to set all the poore to worke, after five pence or sixe pence a pound of wooll spinning (as they shall deserve) if they will fetch it.
"For the impotent poore in every streete, they haue beene considered of (by the most able and forwarde men of that towne) and a generall ceassement voluntarie made for their supplie weekelie, which by confirmation of her Maiesties justices is still kept of euerie able householder, besides the Wednesdayes Suppers, for the which the Church-wardens take paynes accordingly, wherein if euerie one woulde discharge that dutie required of her Maiestie to let the poore haue the full benefite of their sayde suppers, there should not one person haue cause to begge there for all this deare yeare. As for the yonger sort, fitte to learne trades and occupations there is order taken to put them to apprentisshippe or otherwise to seruice."
From this pamphlet we see therefore that the law was sometimes well executed in particular places although as a rule it was negligently enforced. This view of the matter is confirmed by the rest of the evidence concerning the period from 1569 to 1597. It is the period of the growth of legislation and of the machinery of administration, but the working together of the whole system was also locally successful. At Reading, St Albans, Norwich, Leicester, York and Ipswich there is abundant evidence to show that many steps were taken to relieve the poor, while in Gloucester also we can see that increased action was taken in this direction, and that the statute of 1572 was more vigorously enforced than its predecessors. The City controlled the two hospitals of St Bartholomew and of St Margaret[298] and the corporation yearly elected a president, a treasurer, two surveyors, two almoners and two scrutineers to look after them. For certain years the accounts of Governor, Treasurer, Almoner and Scrutineer of St Bartholomew's still exist[299]. Before 1569 the house of the White Friars had been made into a House of Correction. For three parishes the accounts of the collectors of the poor exist for the years 1572-3 and for five other parishes for one or more of the succeeding ten years[300]. It would thus seem that the statute of 1572 was put regularly in execution in Gloucester and that this was the first statute that was thus regularly enforced.
There is comparatively little evidence during the period of the proceedings of justices of the peace in the country, but we have seen that Mr Sands in Parliament and the justices themselves in their report to the Privy Council tell us that in Worcestershire every man was relieved at his own home. We have also seen that several Houses of Correction had been established and that their value as part of the organisation was recognised. It is thus clear that in many places the local officials were being trained to their duties, and that the statutes were really put in execution, not completely or everywhere, but still to some extent and in many places[301].
In Parliament legislative experiments were still tried, and many of the men in Parliament, as justices of the peace or as members of the Privy Council, were obtaining experience of the practical working of the law. At the beginning of the period more stress was laid upon repression than upon relief. But the events of the years of scarcity brought home to the minds of most people the weakness occasioned by the partial execution of the existing system. In most places it could not stand the strain. The fact that the difficulties of the poor were partly due to enclosures and not only to the idleness of the sturdy vagrant was fully recognised. The danger of the distress of the poor was also apparent: some rose in insurrection, many others, like the Norfolk peasant, "stayed butt for a drum," all must have greatly suffered. Consequently the whole question was re-opened, a statute laying stress on relief was produced and a more efficient organisation was made possible. A system of public poor relief could not be suddenly established in a country like Elizabethan England. It had its basis in the recognised local custom of parochial collections, and the growing sense of municipal duty in the matter. Still, but for the development of the action of the Privy Council, but for the growing experience of members of Parliament, and but for the training of local officials and of the general public during these years, probably the conception, and certainly the execution, of the act of 1597 would have been impossible.