If, however, any blame be attached to the government of William, how much greater must be that which is attached to succeeding ministries. They knew, for they felt, the evil of perpetual debts. Sir Robert Walpole said, when the nation owed 100 millions it would be ruined; but he, and those who preceded with those who followed him, persisted in neglecting the only principle of action which could save the country. It is the misfortune of governments to abide by that which is only venerable from its antiquity, and persist in following precedents when they should act upon principle. They forget—and the fact cannot be urged too strongly—that government is a progressive science, and that improvement is a law of nations as well as of nature.
In 1696, while the gold was being recoined, exchequer-bills, principally for £5 and £10, were introduced. Being issued on the security of government, they supplied the place of coin, and were found a great convenience, acting as state counters, which passed as money, because the people knew that the government would receive them at full value. The Lords of the Treasury were authorized to contract with moneyed men to supply cash; and though these bills were at one time at a discount, their credit rose daily, until they reached 1 per cent. premium. They at first bore no interest; but when they were reissued, £7 12s. per cent. per annum was paid, and they became a favorite investment. The genius of Mr. Halifax invented them; and it has required no genius on the part of succeeding ministers to issue a supply whenever the wants of the government have demanded them. When it is not convenient to pay these securities off, and they have accumulated to an amount which attracts the notice of the Opposition, or is calculated to depress the price, the consent of Parliament is procured, and they are liquidated by being added to the fixed debt of the country. They now form a regular supply to the ministry, and are part of the floating or unfunded debt of England, bearing a premium or discount in proportion to the credit of the nation.
The first fraud in exchequer-bills occurred within a year of their creation; when receivers-general, members of Parliament, and deputy accountants formed a confederacy fraudulently to indorse some of these securities, to which their position gave them access. The robbery was discovered; and a Mr. Reginald Marryot, one of the accomplices, saved himself by discovering the plot. The House of Commons expelled from its members the men whose dishonor was increased by their position; and, as the estate of Mr. Charles Duncombe, one of the accused, was worth £400,000, they fined him £200,000, being the amount wrongfully circulated. In the House of Lords it fell to the Duke of Leeds to give the casting vote. Mr. Duncombe’s estate was saved, but the Duke’s credit suffered, for he gave his decision in favor of the defaulter; and it was said that Mr. Duncombe paid no inconsiderable sum for the benefit he received at the hands of his Grace. The charge was never brought home; but the Duke’s after-conduct gave a sufficient coloring to the suspicion.
The first foreign loan was negotiated in ’Change Alley in 1706. The victories of the Duke of Marlborough had raised the pride of the English people; and even ’Change Alley possessed a somewhat similar feeling. When, therefore, his Grace proposed a loan of £500,000 to the Emperor, for eight years, at 8 per cent., on the security of the Silesian revenue, it was received with acclamation, and was filled in a few days by the first commercial names of England.
During that period, which, now a romantic, was then a terrible reality, when it was known, in 1715, that the best families in the North of England had assembled in arms to change the dynasty, no pains were spared by the jobbers to procure correct and to disseminate false intelligence: and it was with mingled feelings of alarm and pity that the inhabitants of a small town between Perth and the seaport of Montrose—where James embarked after his unhappy expedition—saw a carriage and six, travelling with all the rapidity which the road would allow. It was known that the rebel army was dispersed; that its chiefs were scattered; and that the unfortunate Stuart was wandering through the country, with life and liberty alike endangered. It excited, therefore, no surprise in the village when the carriage was surrounded, and the apparent prize conveyed with great ostentation towards London. Letters soon reached the city that the fugitive Stuart was taken, and the letters were confirmed by the story related, which quickly reached London. The funds of course rose, and the inventors of the trick laughed in their sleeves as they divided the profit. By this time the jobbers must have reached a somewhat high position, as, the same year, one Quare, a Quaker and a celebrated watchmaker in ’Change Alley, having successfully speculated in the shares and funds with which it abounded, was of sufficient importance to invite to the marriage-feast of his daughter, Sarah Jennings, Duchess of Marlborough, and the Princess of Wales, who, with three hundred guests of distinction, graced the wedding entertainment.
But ’Change Alley was notorious for other dealings than those in the funds. When that desperate struggle for power occurred between the old and new East India Company; when their varying claims were on every man’s tongue, and their bribes in every man’s hand; the election of a member of Parliament was an affair of moment. The partisans of each Company sided with their friends; bought boroughs; shed their money lavishly and largely; used every art that self-interest could devise; and so extensive was the interference of the brokers, that the only question heard in ’Change Alley was, “Is he for the New or the Old Company?” It was the touchstone of a principle more sacred than the Hanoverian succession, and more important than England and Hanover united. It was probably found profitable; and it was said in 1720, that elections for members of Parliament came to market in ’Change Alley as currently as lottery-tickets.
The first political hoax on record occurred in the reign of Anne. Down the Queen’s Road, riding at a furious rate, ordering turnpikes to be thrown open, and loudly proclaiming the sudden death of the queen, rode a well-dressed man, sparing neither spur nor steed. From west to east, and from north to south, the news spread. Like wildfire it passed through the desolate fields where palaces now abound, till it reached the city. The train-bands desisted from their exercise, furled their colors, and returned home with their arms reversed. The funds fell with a suddenness which marked the importance of the intelligence; and it was remarked that, while the Christian jobbers stood aloof, almost paralyzed with the information, Manasseh Lopez and the Jew interest bought eagerly at the reduced price. There is no positive information to fix the deception upon any one in particular, but suspicion pointed at those who gained by the fraud so publicly perpetrated.
The invasion of 1715, as it caused extra expenses, demanded extra grants. The House of Commons voted them; but the House of Peers, a portion of which possessed strong Jacobite feeling, attempted to modify without mending it. Though they did not reject the bill, the lower house resented the mere interference. At an early hour on the morning of the 13th February, Lord Harcourt went to the House of Peers, and made an anxious search for precedents of amendments to money bills. The search proved unsuccessful, as, since the Restoration, the Commons had defended their right of not allowing the Lords to make any alterations in these acts. A committee was appointed, and the Peers fought bravely for their claim; but though the court was willing to support them, money was so immediately necessary, that, at the request of the government, they yielded under protest.