On the death of Santana in 1863, Luperon and Cabral became the leaders of the Blue party, and for several years after the expulsion of the Spaniards in 1865 the Reds and Blues took turns in setting up governments and having them overthrown. In 1873 General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez, a former adherent of Baez, assembled a following from both factions and formed a Green party with which he ousted the Reds who were then in power. In the next six years the Reds and Greens alternated in control, but in 1879 the Greens were driven out and definitely scattered by the Blues, who thereby gained a foothold which they did not lose for years. The death of Baez in 1884 threw the Reds into confusion and their constant persecution by the "blue" President Ulises Heureaux effectually crushed them. Ulises Heureaux with Blues, Reds and Greens built up his own party of "Lilicistas" which remained in power until his death in 1899. In the later years of Heureaux's rule the distinguishing color used by his troops was white.
On the death of Heureaux, Juan Isidro Jimenez, as president, and Horacio Vasquez, as vice-president, came into power. The rivalry between Jimenez and Vasquez caused a division between their respective followers, who called themselves Jimenistas and Horacistas, thus forming the principal parties which continue to the present time. The old Reds and Blues had disappeared and their survivors aligned themselves with Jimenez and Vasquez indiscriminately; members of the Baez family joined old Blues to follow Jimenez, while other old Reds and Blues as well as the Lilicistas seemed to prefer Vasquez. In 1901 an attempt was made to form a party known as the Republican Party, which it was intended to endow with a platform, but being composed largely of Jimenez' friends, it was viewed with suspicion and fell with him.
In 1902 the Horacistas revolted and obtained the government, only to be overthrown in 1903 by followers of Jimenez. The new administration proving odious to both parties they combined to drive it out in the fall of 1903. The Horacistas gained the upper hand in the succeeding government and remained in power until 1912, though a serious division developed in the party, to the extent that the nominal leader, Horacio Vasquez, himself joined in conspiracies and uprisings against the administration. His efforts, combined with those of the Jimenistas, led to the choice of Archbishop Nouel as compromise candidate for president in 1912. Monsignor Nouel unsuccessfully attempted to govern with both parties and on his resignation in 1913 another Horacista became president. Again there was opposition from Horacistas as well as Jimenistas and in 1914 a Jimenista became provisional president.
At about this time a small third party appeared, led by Federico Velazquez, a former Horacista. His followers are known as Velazquistas, though the party has adopted the official name of Progresista. In the elections of 1914 he joined forces with Jimenez, who thus secured the presidency. The government, or what remains of it under the present military occupation, is still constituted largely by followers of Jimenez and Velazquez.
Though both Jimenistas and Horacistas claim to have the larger following in the country in general, it is probable that they are about equally matched, the Velazquistas holding the balance of power.
The Jimenistas are often vulgarly called "bolos" or bob-tailed cocks, and the Horacistas "rabudos" or "coludos," meaning bushy-tailed or long-tailed cocks. In the fighting on the Monte Cristi plains the Jimenistas would often attack, but retire as soon as their opponents showed fight, and as such tactics reminded the Dominicans of the habits of bob-tailed fighting cocks, the nicknames were imposed.
The men who attain prominence in politics range all the way from rude ignorant military chiefs to polished members of the aristocracy. In looking over the annals of Dominican history the same family names constantly recur and it may be affirmed that the government of the country has during the time of independence been in the hands of some twenty families, the members of which have swayed its councils and led its revolutions. They have tasted the sweets of power but also the bitterness of defeat, alternately occupying high positions in the government and pining in prison or exile. Almost all the chiefs of state since 1899 would have done honor to any country, but all have been obliged by the exigencies of politics to give places in their entourage to men of low standing, whose deeds or misdeeds when in power and whose unbridled ambition, have been a factor in the civil wars. At the present moment perhaps the most prominent political figure is Federico Velazquez, a man of unusual force of character, who as minister of finance under Caceres, enforced the settlement of the Dominican debt and gave what was probably the most honest administration of public revenues in the Republic's history. He is one of the few men having the moral courage openly to advocate American cooperation in the government of the country. He is about forty-seven years old, was born in Tamboril, near Santiago, and advanced through the stages of schoolmaster, shopkeeper, secretary to Vasquez and Caceres, and cabinet minister, to the position of a political leader.
The ill-feeling akin to hatred between many members of the political parties is incredible to one not accustomed to Latin-American politics. They will have nothing in common, neither will acknowledge the existence of any good in the other, they endeavor to keep apart in the clubs, they do not care to buy in each other's stores. Even the women enter into this bitterness and engagements have been broken because the bridegroom was discovered to favor one party while the bride or her family sympathized with the other.
The parties are not unalterably composed of the same individuals. On the contrary a great number of the leaders and of the rank and file are continually drifting from one party to another, evincing particular anxiety to "get on the band-wagon." These changelings, while they belong to any one party, affect to be its most ardent supporters in order to avert any suspicion of insincerity. Much of the disorder which has sapped the life-blood of the Republic has been due to disappointed office-seekers who suddenly veered about and joined the opposing party.
Not only to personal ambitions and corruption of the persons in power, but also to the perfunctory mode in which elections have been conducted the many revolutions are to be ascribed. The municipal councils in the communes and the justices of the peace and two residents in the cantons form the election board before which the voters of the respective commune or canton are supposed to appear to deposit their votes. It is evident that if anything more than a small proportion of the qualified voters appeared, such election boards would be swamped, yet no difficulty has ever been registered. The election of the presidential candidate supported by the government was generally so certain that all other aspirants realized the futility of launching their candidacy, and their followers either voted for the official candidate or refrained from voting. In this connection I am reminded of the convincing political speeches attributed to one of the foremost men of La Vega during the farcical campaigns preceding the elections of Heureaux. He is quoted as saying: "My friends, this Republic is founded on the free and unrestricted suffrage of its citizens. It is the proud boast of the Dominican that under the constitution he may vote as he pleases. You are therefore free to cast your vote for whomsoever you prefer. I would not be your friend, however, if I did not advise you that whoever does not vote for Heureaux might as well leave the country." In elections for municipal councilmen and members of Congress there was occasionally an exception to the rule of having a cut and dried program and contests sometimes arose for a seat.