Without the knowledge of those various epochs, it is difficult to understand with anything approaching to clearness and exactness the dates that we find alluded to and mentioned in the Burmese literary compositions. The foregoing particulars appear to be sufficient for all practical purposes.
[34] From this passage we see that, in those days of remote antiquity, there existed in the Indian Peninsula individuals who, led away by a fanaticism still existing in our own days, devoted themselves to rigorous and extravagant penances, often in a state of complete nakedness. In the days of Alexander the Great, the same fanatics were met with in the Punjaub. Such ridiculous and unnatural exhibitions, far from being approved of and countenanced by the founder of Buddhism, were positively prohibited. Though he aimed at subduing passions, and elevating the spiritual principle above the material one, he recommended in the spiritual warfare a line of conduct more consonant with reason, and supplied his disciples with weapons of a far better quality and a superior description.
[35] It is much to be regretted that no details concerning that third assembly of the Buddhists in Pataliputra could be found by the writer in the manuscript he has in his possession. The cause that occasioned the holding of the council was the desire to establish a perfect unity in the practices of discipline among the religious, and to come to an agreement on the subject of the genuineness of the scriptures.
During the period of 236 years that elapsed from the death of Gaudama, Buddhism seems to have remained confined within the limits of Magatha, that is to say, north and south Behar. Its hold over the mind of the people within those limits appears to have been very imperfect and uncertain, particularly in the parts north of the Ganges. It is from the reign of King Athoka that the propagation of Buddhism in every direction dates. The uninterrupted successes which attended his arms enabled him to afford a powerful support to the propagators of the new religion in the remotest parts which they visited. But we have no reason to suspect that he had recourse to violence in order to gain proselytes. No doubt he protected them, and supplied all their wants on a liberal scale. He does not appear to have extended farther the effects of the countenance he lent to the heralds of the new religion. He built monasteries and dzedis throughout the length and breadth of his immense dominions; he erected stone pillars, which he covered with inscriptions commemorative of his piety and zeal, a few of which exist up to this day. Athoka may be looked upon as a monarch who did more for the propagation of Buddhism in foreign parts than any of those who preceded him or came after him.
The establishment of Buddhism in Ceylon is mentioned at great length in the writer’s manuscript, but he has thought it unnecessary to relate all that he has found on this subject, as being foreign to the purpose he has had in view in the publication of this book. In a foregoing note it has been stated how extraordinary is the fact that during more than two hundred years Buddhism was propagated in Ceylon solely by means of oral tradition without writing. The Cingalese authors are so unanimous on this point that it cannot be doubted. But in the Burmese manuscript we have found stated, in unmistakable expressions, that the religious who assembled in the village of Malliya wrote the Pitagat in Sanscrit, and with the Sanscrit characters. The word made use of is Sanskarain, which surely is designed to mean Sanscrit. How can this be reconciled with the undoubted fact that all the southern Buddhists have the scriptures in Pali and not in Sanscrit, whilst the northern nations that have embraced Buddhism possess the scriptures in Sanscrit? Until we can obtain further information on the subject, I have no hesitation in stating that the Burmans, ignorant of the existence of the two distinct languages—the Pali and the Sanscrit—are very apt to mistake the one for the other, and that in their opinion what they call the language of Magatha, Pali, and Sanscrit are but one and the same language, to which different names have been given by ancient authors. As the translator of a manuscript, the writer was bound to render into English what he has found written in Burmese. This is the reason why he has, against his intimate conviction, made use of the word Sanscrit, applied to the first compilation of scriptures made in Ceylon under the reign of King Watakamani.
[36] The island of Ceylon was called, says the Burmese author, in former times, by different names—Audzadipa, Waradipa, Mautadipa, Singgadipa, Sihala, and Tappapani. There is no doubt but the last name was corrupted by the Greeks into Tapobrane.
[37] The Burmans have, from the time of their conversion to Buddhism, or at least from the period they became familiar with the scriptures, had the mania of giving Pali names to countries, large towns, and new places that were settled by the authority of the rulers, in addition to the ordinary and common names. What has been the result of such a measure? The people have continued to designate such places by the vulgar names, whilst in most of the public documents and in the court they have always used the scientific and uncommon names. Hence has arisen a confusion in the minds of the people to such an extent that in many instances they believe that two names given to the same place indicate two distinct towns and localities.
The position of Thaton is well known, and is between the mouths of the Salween and the Tsitang rivers. Its actual distance from the sea is about eight or nine miles. In the days of Buddhagosa, that is to say, in the beginning of the fifth century of our era, it was a sea-port. The Burmese writers invariably call Thaton, not by the name of city, but by that of country. They add the epithet of Souwana-boumi, the land of gold. According to the same writers, Thaton was situated in the state or kingdom of Ramagnia. From what is found mentioned about Ramagnia, it appears that it comprised three distinct parts or districts; that of Kouthein, which is the present Pouthein or Bassein, including the territory situated between the Irrawaddy and the mountains of Arracan; that of Henthawati, between the Irrawaddy and the Tsitang river; and that of Mouttama, or Martaban, between the Tsitang and the Salween. It seems that the kingdom of Ramagnia extended in the north as far as Akaouk-taong, south of Prome. The limits that are assigned must have undergone considerable changes, on account of the continual wars that have raged in those parts, but they are those assigned by several native authors.
The people that dwelt in Ramagnia are called Moun. They are the Talaings or Peguans of modern times. They had attained a considerable degree of civilisation at a time when the Burmans were in a state of barbarism. The proximity of the sea afforded them opportunities of coming in contact with other nations—the Hindus in particular, who appear to have settled at Thaton in great numbers. The Rahan Buddhagosa is said to have belonged to the pounha race, though he was a fervent Buddhist.
The town which was the capital of the territory called Henzawati cannot, we believe, be the town which is called at present Pegu, but another one, much more ancient, the ruins of which are still visible close to the eastern side of Pegu.