Resolved, that this new organization enter into immediate relations therewith.
20. Resolved, that we condemn militarism in all its forms and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional rights and privileges in the struggle between capital and labor. Be it further
Resolved, that any members accepting salaried positions to defend capitalism, directly or indirectly, should be denied the privilege of membership in this organization.
To the discussion and emendation of the preamble and constitution was devoted the bulk of the time during the last five days of the convention.[139] The preamble drawn up by the committee on constitution was accepted by the convention practically in the form presented by that committee, and without dissent except for the second clause. The first two clauses read as follows:
The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among the millions of working people, and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life.
Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the toilers come together on the political, as well as on the industrial field, and take and hold that which they produce by their labor, through an economic organization of the working class, without affiliation with any political party.
The reference to the "political field" in the second clause brought forth immediate challenge and the whole clause was the subject of exhaustive debate. Delegate Gilbert, who favored the clause, very concisely explained its significance.
We are here [he said] to effect an economic organization. There are two elements in this convention. One element proposes to do away with political action entirely. Another element is inclined toward political action. All that this paragraph is in essence is this: It first of all states very clearly and plainly that this is primarily an economic organization based upon the conflict of classes. Secondly, it says in essence this: That as individuals you are perfectly free to take such political action as you see fit. As an organization, you cannot.... Thirdly, it says this: You shall not as an economic organization stand committed to any political party at present in existence.[140]
Delegate Simons opposed it, declaring that, "as it stands it says that we are in favor of political action without any political party."[141] Delegate Richter also opposed it on the ground that the struggle has really only begun when the workers are brought together on the political and industrial fields,—whereas the preamble implied that at that stage the struggle ceases.[142]
Delegate DeLeon argued at length in support of the clause. To him this "political clause," as it has since been called, was quite essential to keep the proposed organization "in line and in step with civilization." "The barbarian," he said, "begins with physical force; the civilized man ends with that when force is necessary."[143] He believed it to be absolutely impossible to "take and hold" as the preamble puts it, without the protection—or at any rate the harmony—secured through political unity. Of course, the basis of this political unity was to have no organic connection—not the remotest—with the economic organization. The clause under discussion recognized the two truths "that political action and the means of civilization must be given an opportunity—and that in this country, for one, it is out of the question to imagine that a political party can 'take and hold.'"[144] This was the Socialist Labor party position. It had been foreshadowed in its 1900 convention when it endorsed the following resolution: