The ritual and significance of the Winnebago medicine dance

by Paul Radin

That the shell and the shooting are unquestionably considered necessary and essential for initiation, is borne out conclusively by the numerous references in the speeches. We must therefore not permit the position of the initiation ritual in the general ceremony to interfere with its interpretation as a real initiation into the society. However, this position may have been due to secondary causes. It is quite impossible to determine them definitely now; but it is possible, by studying the significance and nature of the basic ritual, to explain to a very large extent the reason for the position of the initiation ritual.

The basic ritual is a definite ceremonial complex, which constitutes the most conspicuous unit of the Medicine Dance. Both in the night and the day ritual of the general ceremony, each individual band repeats it, and in both cases the ceremony terminates as soon as the last band has finished it. A number of other rituals separate the various performances of the basic ritual, and even intervene between the separate constituent elements of the ritual itself. In each case, nevertheless, the basic ritual is continued as soon as the disturbing ritual has been removed. It is for these reasons that it seems to me unquestionable that we are dealing here with the essential ritualistic unit of the general ceremony. What strengthens this impression is the fact that a ritualistic complex similar in its general nature, although not in the component elements of which it is made up, is found in almost all the other societies of the Winnebago. In the Buffalo, Grizzly Bear, Ghost, and Night Societies, there is a basic ritual of essentially the same functions and significance. In all these societies, likewise, objects of specific value to the members are passed from one individual to another; and this “passing” is accompanied by songs, speeches, and ritualistic details. Although the complex differs for each society, it nevertheless presents a definite ritualistic unit, which must be repeated by each person, or each band belonging to the society, as the case may be.

To judge from the general tenor of the speeches, the purpose of the ritual in every one of these societies is the “strengthening” of powers obtained in a vision. Now, the tenor of the speeches in the basic ritual of the Medicine Dance is precisely of the same nature; and as we have there, in addition, the characteristic passing of the “blessing,”—that is, the passing of the drum, the gourds, and the associate actions, speeches, songs, and dances; in other words, the means of assuring the continuance and the strengthening of the specific powers,—there can be little doubt that the basic ritual is essentially the same for all these societies.

Of course, the demonstration that the basic ritual is at present the main and most important ritual in the Medicine Dance, does not prove that it is historically primary. There are, however, a number of facts that speak in favor of this assumption. In the first place, it is undoubtedly the characteristic ceremonial complex of all Winnebago societies, and likewise of a large number of societies among other Siouan tribes; and, secondly, it is associated with an organization that is typical of other Winnebago societies. It differs from these primarily in the fact that membership is purchased, and not obtained through supernatural communication from some animal. Even the absence of the customary manner of admission might perhaps be hypothetically accounted for, for we have an interesting instance of the disappearance of the “vision” qualification in the Night Dance. The Night Dance, now known as the Sore-Eye Dance, previously required for admission a vision from the night spirits. This qualification has now disappeared, and its place has been taken by purchase, pure and simple, as in the case of the Medicine Dance. Now, it is possible that the same development may have taken place for the Medicine Dance. In the absence of any such positive evidence, however, as has been adduced for the Night Dance, this assumption can only be regarded as a possible explanation.

If the basic ritual is to be regarded as the principal and characteristic feature of the Medicine Dance and as historically primary, then the intrusive character of the initiation ritual may be explained by regarding it as secondarily associated. We are of course in no position to say in what way this association occurred, and we are therefore not in a position to tell whether the initiation ritual was associated from the very beginning in such a way as to perform the functions of a normal initiation into a society, or whether it was at first a purely adventitious addition with no special significance.

If it was regarded from the very beginning as an initiation, there seems no reason why it should have been given the position in the general ceremony that it now possesses. It consequently seems better to regard its position as older than the references made in the speeches to its functions as an initiation into this specific Winnebago society.

There can be little doubt that the initiation-complex of the Medicine Dance was borrowed from the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. We may consequently conclude that, notwithstanding the present interpretation of the initiation as an initiation into the Medicine Dance, it is historically really an initiation ritual of one ceremony that has become secondarily associated with another. In support of this, it can be pointed out that no initiation bearing the slightest resemblance to this one, occurs in any other of the numerous Winnebago societies, and that the Medicine Dance really possesses two initiations,—the one being the purchase of membership; and the other, that mentioned above. It might also be added that non-members never speak of the shooting as an initiation. To them the shooting always appears as a shamanistic practice associated with the “strengthening” of power. The esoteric interpretation, however, regards this “secondary” initiation as primary.

Summing up briefly the results of the analysis of the three initiations discussed, we must emphasize again the fact that we are dealing with initiations essentially different in nature. In the Ojibwa-Menominee it is evidently a formal transfer of shamanistic powers from one individual to another, which has subsequently become synonymous with admission into the social status of a mide and then with admission into a society. In the Shell Society the transfer of powers is analogous to the purchase of specific powers by one individual from another; and as these have become associated with a society, the individual buying them purchased at the same time admission into the society. In the Pebble Society, initiation is synonymous with the acquisition of power through supernatural communication from some animal. There is no transfer at all, except in so far as the spirit animal transfers something to the person fasting. Initiation is connected simply with the individual. No initiation into the society exists. In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, whatever may have been the primary method of initiation, we have to-day a definite initiation like that found in the Midewiwin. This, however, has been borrowed from another ceremony, and secondarily associated. Even now it is not in its proper organic position in the general ceremony, despite the fact that an esoteric re-interpretation has transformed it into a specific initiation into the Medicine Dance.

Initiation is thus seen to be both a concept and a ritualistic complex, varying considerably in different tribes. As a ritualistic complex, it has entered freely into innumerable associations, which can only be determined by a study of each specific ceremony. The same holds true with regard to the concept of initiation. It is also apparent that the concept has a marked influence in determining the nature of the ritualistic complex connected with it, and vice versa. In both cases, then, we have to examine not merely the nature of these two phenomena in a given area, but likewise whether they represent historically primary concepts and complexes, before we can make any attempt to investigate what are the concepts that underlie all initiations.

V. The General Ceremony.—In the foregoing remarks we have dealt with the nature and significance of those specific rituals that go to make the larger complex we have called the “general ceremony.” We will now proceed to examine the nature and significance of this general ceremony itself.