In examining a phenomenon such as initiation, we must not forget that it is, in a general way, absolutely conditioned by the specific individuality of one man as opposed to that of another. The desire of one man for participation in the possessions of another, or in those of some differentiated group, is an ultimate fact for which we need give no explanation. What is essential for our discussion is the realization that the methods of this participation are infinite, depending entirely upon the influence of cultural factors in the development of specific areas, and of institutions within them. Thus initiation into the Midewiwin is the transfer of certain mide powers; into the Pebble and other Omaha Societies, a common vision; into the Medicine Dance, the transfer of certain knowledge. This transfer or initiation is in no way different from that which takes place between two individuals, except that in the former case we are dealing with phenomena between an individual on the one hand, and a group of individuals on the other. This conception of initiation has become associated everywhere with social and ceremonial groups. One may, for instance, be initiated into a clan, into a name, into a family, etc.
To Schurtz, however, the concept of initiation is primarily associated with puberty. His argument is that puberty is a physiological stage through which every one must pass. The change to sexual maturity is so important a fact, that it cannot possibly have escaped any tribe. It follows that this physiological change must have been correlated with a change in the position of the individual in the tribe. He will, for instance, among other things, be less subjected to the influence of his mother, and more to that of his father, etc.
All these general propositions are true; and it is also unquestionably true that there has been a marked tendency for ceremonies to cluster around that period of physiological change which we call puberty. Similarly, in some cultural areas there has been a secondary, or, if you wish, a constant association of puberty rites with a formal adoption into the tribe. In Australia, for instance, the individual does not become of active social importance until he has passed through certain rites at the age of puberty.
The essential point, however, is whether he does not always become of active social importance at about that age. He unquestionably does. We cannot, therefore, assume offhand that it is the fact of puberty that is being emphasized by the initiatory rites. This would be the case only if we could prove that puberty is invariably associated with some form of initiation. If it is not, then we must regard the clustering of the concept of initiation around the age of puberty, among the Australians and other tribes, as a cultural peculiarity of these peoples.[28]
In other words, the beginning of the social importance of an individual may be associated with puberty initiation rites. Initiation may, however, be associated with any period of development. For instance, among the Christians and Semites, it is found associated with birth in the forms of baptism and circumcision; and just as with any age, so it may become associated with any social or ceremonial unit. It can thus become associated with entrance into a society; and we may consequently say that a society is only one of the numerous cultural elements with which initiation has become associated.
It is, however, a truism to state that initiation is essential for group differentiation; excluding, of course, the case where membership in a group is not synonymous with birth. When Schurtz, therefore, reconstructs the evolution of initiation, and connects the initiation into a society with that at puberty, he must have been guided by some more fundamental facts than that of the presence of initiation. The postulation of a genetic relationship between the two initiations lay really in the fact that he detected in the form of initiation into the society certain “symptoms” which he regarded as being primarily associated with puberty initiation. These symptoms were the presence of “tests” as essential for admission into a society; and group-initiation or the initiation of a number of youths at the same time. That he was thinking of tests in the most general way, can be seen by the following statement. “Das Austeilen von Schlägen ... im Duk-Duk hängt wohl mit den Mutproben der Knabenweihe zusammen.”[29] It is hardly necessary to insist that the test concept used in this generalized manner is found associated with the ordinary forms of eligibility; so that, wherever the idea of eligibility is associated with a social or ceremonial group, there it will be natural to find tests. There is no need of giving any examples: they must occur to every one. The test feature must consequently be considered so general a cultural possession that its association with diverse cultural phenomena is quite natural, and its significance will in each case depend upon specific conditions. We cannot, therefore, predicate any general significance for the association of the test feature in specific cultural complexes.
Schurtz’s second symptom comes out strongly in his discussion of the Ruk-Ruk Society of Northern Bougainville.[30] We have here, he says, a remarkable connecting link between simple men’s associations (Männerbünde), firmly established by puberty rites and secret societies. He arrives at this conclusion, because he finds it customary there to have a group of youths initiated into the society at the same time. Here both the youth of the novices and the group initiation are emphasized as being symptomatic of a development from former men’s associations (Männerbünde).
It must, however, be remembered, as we have said before, that a man becomes socially active at about the age of puberty, and that his social activity will naturally take those channels customary in a given tribe. The fact that a youth enters a society like the Ruk-Ruk, to which most members of the tribe belong, should not excite wonder. As a matter of fact, we should find it necessary to explain why he did not join. His failure to become a member would most certainly be associated, in such a case, with a low social status. What is to be emphasized here is not the youth of the novices, but the intellectual development occurring at that age. This comes out clearly in the case of the Duk-Duk, where the parents generally purchase membership for their children immediately after birth. Young children behave like regularly initiated members, but they only become active members at the age of sixteen. Similarly in the Winnebago Medicine Dance individuals may be initiated in early childhood, but it is at a much later period that they possess the powers of adult members. As a matter of fact, admission depends upon so large a number of factors in different societies, that it would be possible to draw up a table that would include all ages from birth to old age.
In the same way the initiation of a group of individuals at one time depends upon too large a number of factors to permit any single interpretation. The burden of proof rests with Schurtz to show that the presence of a specific test connects the Ruk-Ruk Society with puberty rites, and that the presence of a group initiation in the Duk-Duk connects that society with the men’s associations.
Perhaps a few examples might bring out more clearly the different kinds of initiation.