An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

The non-official Japanese statements claimed much more than this. They did "crow over" the Chinese. Was not here a vindication of distinct priority enjoyed by Japan in China? In Japan the veteran Okuma, who is never backward in airing his opinions in the press, also seemed to have a rather broad idea of the notes. "Hitherto," he said, "America's activities in China were often imprudent and thoughtless. For instance, Secretary Knox's proposal to neutralize the Manchurian Railway was, indeed, a reckless move. The United States also relegated Japan to the background when she sent the note of June 7th to China, advising that country concerning domestic peace. Thus America disregarded Japan's special position in China. We may understand that she will not repeat such follies, in the light of the new convention."

Of course, there is nothing in the notes to interfere with the fullest and freest interchange of communications between the American Government and the Chinese, on any topic whatever.

In reporting his conversation on the notes with the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs before they were signed, the Russian ambassador at Tokyo hit it off in this way: "Nevertheless, I gain the impression from the words of the minister that he is conscious of the possibility of misunderstandings, also, in the future; but is of the opinion that in such a case Japan would have at her disposal better means than the United States for carrying into effect her interpretation."

To show how different people were affected, I shall cite from some letters. Dr. George Morrison wrote to a friend from southern China: "Relays of Chinese have thronged to see the American consul, all sounding one note—that they have been betrayed by America. After all her valiant protestations, what earthly good did America gain by making such a concession to Japan, giving recognition to that which every American and Englishman in China had been endeavouring to prevent? Carried to its logical conclusion this agreement gives recognition not only to Japan's 'special interests' in Manchuria, but also to those in Fukien Province which lies in 'geographical proximity' to Formosa. Surely the British will now claim recognition of similar rights in Kwangsi Province. It is all very deplorable."

Another Britisher, Mr. W.H. Donald, took a different view. "When I saw the notes," he wrote, "I was delighted, because I read into them the fact that America had, to use an Americanism, 'put one over' Japan. Ishii went to America to get acquiescence in Japan's predominance in China; to get America to admit Japan's hegemony of the Pacific. He got neither. Instead, he had to reaffirm adherence to the previous undertakings—undertakings which were discarded when Japan put in her twenty-one demands."

The Chinese papers generally pronounced the notes inconsistent. The Chung Hua Hsin Pao saw no need for having the "special interests" of Japan particularly recognized any more than those of other nations, like Great Britain, France, Russia, and the United States, all of which have territory adjacent to China. The paper thought that the assurance that Japan seeks no special rights or privileges, should be taken at its face value when the point of the whole agreement was the recognition of "special interests" enjoyed by Japan. The tenor of the note, therefore, appeared to favour "special interests," consequently the division of China into spheres of influence—contrary to the traditional policy of the United States.

Personally, from my knowledge of the situation in the Far East, I could not see any urgent reason for making this declaration. I learned later that the notes had been drawn up in consultation between the President and the Secretary of State, without other reference to the Department of State and without the knowledge of its staff. Also, the Secretary had acted upon the belief and understanding that the first statement concerning special interests was simply a self-evident axiom, but that its restatement would clarify the situation. Certainly, on the other hand, the positive affirmative pledge against "the acquisition by any government of any special rights or privileges" was clearer and went further than any previous declaration.

To safeguard its rights under any construction that might be given to the document, the Chinese Government declared that it could not recognize any agreement relating to China entered into between other powers.

I have said that I could not see the need of these notes. Failing to receive instructions which I sought from the Department of State, I continued to take the position that the policy of the American Government remained unchanged with respect to the existence of a special position or special privileges on the part of any other power in China. But the immediate effect of the notes on the Chinese Government was to make its high officials feel that nothing very positive could be expected from the United States by way of assistance out of the nation's difficulties.