TAKING LEAVE OF PEKING
The Government was now confronted with the question of whether its delegates at Paris should or should not sign the Treaty and Covenant. The Chinese people were opposed to signing, for with China's signature would go specific recognition of the transfer of German rights to Japan. They had learned one great lesson: that to make concessions to foreign powers never got them out of trouble, but only aggravated it. If the Peking officials in 1898 had turned a deaf ear to the German demands, despite threats of naval demonstrations, the Germans could never have secured the things which the Chinese actually gave them. The Chinese people now said: "Never again!"
I was informed on the 28th of May that nearly all the officials in Peking were agreed that the Treaty should be signed. Knowledge of their readiness to capitulate brought the national movement of the Chinese people to its height almost immediately, in opposition to the reactionary militarist control. By the 1st of July, a gentleman from the immediate entourage of the President, who often came to see me on the latter's behalf, told me that the President had instructed the delegates at Paris not to sign the Treaty. They did not sign it then, and steadfastly resisted all efforts to make them sign it later.
When the student troubles were at their height, on the 2nd of June I was at the Legation late one evening to answer some cablegrams. I was interrupted by an American woman teacher who with five Chinese schoolgirls came to my office in a state of great excitement. The girls had stood with a crowd for forty-eight hours asking admission to the President's palace to present their grievance. They had endured these hardships as bravely as any of the young men, but they were now alarmed because two of the student leaders had been seized and taken inside the palace. The girls feared their execution, and begged me to intercede. As I could not quiet their apprehensions, I finally said I would direct that an inquiry be made at the palace. By telephone I learned that the students were being detained because they had been too forward in their demonstrations, but that nothing untoward would happen to them. The girls, happy and thankful at this reassurance, went home.
No one could fail to sympathize with the aims and ideals of the students, who were striving for national freedom and regeneration. I, too, felt a strong sympathy, though I, of course, abstained from all direct contact with the movement, as it was a purely Chinese matter. Nevertheless, the Japanese papers reported quite in detail how I had organized the student movement, and how I had spent $2,000,000 in getting it under way. As everybody knew how spontaneous and irrepressible the movement of the students was, these items excited only amusement.
Pessimism reigned among liberal-minded people in early June. They feared that followers of General Tuan would insist upon putting him back into the Premiership, in which case there would be no escape from another revolution to oppose him, with the general demoralization and waste of national resources which would attend it. The second aide mémoire of the associated representatives was presented to the President by Sir John Jordan on the 5th of June; it conveyed the hope that China's internal difficulties might now come to an end, that the peace conference at Shanghai might be resumed and successfully concluded without delay, and it stated that meanwhile military measures should not be resumed. The friendly advice encouraged the liberal elements, particularly the express desire that there should be no further fighting. It was felt that the President's hands were strengthened for peace.
Dr. Chiang Monlin, Acting Chancellor of Peking University in the absence of Dr. Tsai Yuan-pei, went to Shanghai because the militarist faction wished to hold him responsible for the acts of the students. He was, indeed, one of their chief counsellors, but he counselled wisdom and moderation. He told me that the leaders were conscious of much progress in organizing public opinion, but that at least ten years of further work and experience would be necessary before there could be any approach to a public opinion consciously and unceasingly active in support, or in proper restraint, of the Government. "All we ask," Doctor Chiang said, "is ten years' time—freedom from outside interference—then the New China will be organized."