An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

The past may become in the human present more alive than ever. John Richard Green finds in the old records of the guilds of Berwick an enactment "that where many bodies are found side by side in one place they may become one, and have one will, and in the dealings of one with another have a strong and hearty love." In the history of the Saxons, Edwin of Northumbria "caused stakes to be fixed in the highways where he had seen a clear spring," and "brazen dishes were chained to them, to refresh the weary sojourner, whose fatigues Edwin had himself experienced." These things shine with the sun, and enlighten our work to-day. The Maine woodsman sits on a stump whose rings number centuries of growth. When Chinese children came to play with our children at the Legation, I was always impressed by their dignity of demeanour and their observance of the courtesies while their elders were present. On the faces of these little heirs of the Holy Duke the composure of eighty generations of culture and traditions sat freshly; and it by no means alloyed their delight, which was unstinted, in American toys and dolls.

This transmutation of the old into new life is seen everywhere in China. The day comes every morning fresh as a flower. But we know it is old; it is an ancient day, white-clad and beautiful as the stars. The Chinese peasant thrusts his stick of a plough many eons deep into his ancestral soil. In north China it is loess soil, the most fertile on the globe, brought down from the mountains for millenniums and deposited to depths of from twenty to thirty feet. When there are no floods the rain sinks deeply into this porous soil, meets the moisture retained below, and draws up therefrom the inorganic salts that are held dissolved. So its fertility is inexhaustible.

But floods do come, as they have come unchecked for ages. In the Hwai River region, with all this natural richness underfoot, the people are poor, weak, famine-stricken, living in aggregations of shabby hovels that are periodically swept away. Its crops, which should normally be six in three years, average but two and three. This region is only one example of several prodigious and extensive valleys choked with fertility, yet with famine and pestilence raging through them, cursed as they are by inundations that might be completely checked at little engineering cost. With these regions reclaimed and the border provinces colonized, China's crops alone would support double her present population. The people of the Hwai region, secure and affluent, might be easily increased by twenty million living heirs of a fifty-centuries-old civilization. Indeed, a little vision and scientific application would transform China.

With what the ages have produced for the West—the old guild spirit reviving, if you please, in the modern trust—the West can meet the East. The true ministers and ambassadors to China are the merchant-adventurers of the Western nations, bearing their goods, their steel and tools, their unique engineering skill and works. It was not for what the entrepreneurs "could get out of" China, nor yet for what China could get out of us, that my policy as American minister was directed to this complementary meeting of two civilizations. It was because I saw millions perishing wretchedly whose birthright in the higher arts and amenities of living is at least as rich as our own—perishing for lack of an organizing skill which it is the province of the Western peoples to supply. It was because I knew, with their admirable family life and local democratic institutions, it needed only trunk-line railways to link together these close-set communities, comprising one quarter of the earth's population, into as admirable a central democracy.

But how the West was then meeting the East came home to me on the second morning of my stay in Peking. I entered the breakfast room, where I found Doctor Hornbeck in a state of annoyance. He handed me the morning copy of the Journal de Peking, a sheet published in French and known to be subservient to Russian and French political interests from which it got subventions. The article in question was a scurrilous attack on me personally, and on American action in China generally.

A Chinese journal in Shanghai had published a laudatory article in which had been cited extracts from my published books. One of these, taken from "World Politics," had happened to speak of French subserviency to Russian policy in the Far East. The French journal repeated these expressions as if they had been given out by me in an interview upon arriving in China. As they were in fact taken from books published more than ten years before, which had run the gauntlet of French critical journals without ever having been taken as hostile to France, I did not have any reason to worry, and the fume and fury of the local journal rather amused me than otherwise. I could, however, not help noting the temper of these attacks, their bitterness and the utter rashness and lack of inquiry with which the charges were made. It gave me early warning, considering its gross lack of courtesy to a newcomer, who had entered the field in a spirit friendly to all, as to what might be expected from some of our friendly rivals. When several years later one of the ministers whose legation stood sponsor for this sheet approached me with a request to use my influence to suppress a Chinese paper which had attacked him, I regretted that it was not in my power to be of assistance.

The significance of the article lay of course in its attack upon American policy, which was characterized as one of "bluff", and which charged the United States with assuming a tone of superior virtue in criticising others, and, while loudly professing friendship for the Chinese, failing to shoulder any part of the responsibility in actual affairs. The Y.M.C.A. and the Standard Oil Company were coupled together as twin instruments of a nefarious and hypocritical policy.

The China Press, the American newspaper of Shanghai, pointed out that the attack of the French paper indicated what the American minister would have to face, and observed that the success or failure of his diplomatic mission must depend upon the readiness of the American Government to take an active part in the rehabilitation of China. Should America play the rôle of an altruistic but impotent friend, and of a captious critic of the other powers, it could gain neither sympathy nor respect.

The American Government was at this time severely criticised for its failure to endorse the Six-Power Consortium; it was urged that the Administration had sacrificed the best opportunity for bringing American goodwill to bear on Chinese public affairs, by exercising a moderating and friendly influence in the council of the great powers. On the other hand, it ought to be considered that a new administration, when confronted with the sudden proposal that it give exclusive support to one special group of banks, might well hesitate, particularly in view of the fact that the group in this case consisted of only four New York houses. An earlier administration had answered such an inquiry in a similar way. Considering the merits of the question from the point of view of China, the action might present itself in the light of a refusal to join with others in placing upon the young republic the fetters of foreign financial control. Moreover, the proceeds of the Reorganization Loan were actually not used for the benefit of the Chinese people, but on the contrary this financial support fastened the personal authority of Yuan Shih-kai on the country and enabled him to carry on a successful fight against parliament. That body never gave its approval to the loan.

From my conversations with President Wilson before departing for my post I had formed the conclusion that the President realized that as America had withdrawn from a coöperative effort to assist in the development of China, it was incumbent upon her to do her share independently and to give specific moral and financial assistance; in fact, I received the President's assurance of active support for constructive work in China. In his conversation he dwelt, however, more on the educational side and on political example and moral encouragement, than on the matter of finance and commerce.