As to American policy, the difficulties which I encountered arose from the fact that a great deal was expected of a country so powerful, which had declared and always pursued a policy so just to China. Chinese goodwill and confidence, and the real friendship of the Chinese people toward America certainly tended to make easier any task America might be ready to undertake. But America had no political aims and desired to abstain particularly from anything verging on political interference, even in behalf of those principles we so thoroughly believe in. American relationships to China depended not on governmental action, but on a spontaneous coöperation between the two peoples in matters of education, commerce, and industry.
Infinitely complex as were the questions of Chinese internal affairs and of the privileges and desires of the various powers, yet to my mind it was not a difficult problem to see what should be done in order to put matters on a sound foundation. I had learned to have great confidence in the ability of the Chinese to manage their own affairs when let alone, particularly in commerce and industry.
That was the first desideratum, to secure for them immunity from the constant interference, open and secret, on the part of foreign interests desirous of confusing Chinese affairs and drawing advantage from such confusion. So far as American diplomatic action was concerned, its essential task was to prevent such interference, and to see to it that China could not be closed even by those indirect methods which often accompany the most vociferous, ardent declarations in favour of Chinese independence and sovereignty. We therefore had to keep a close watch and to resist in specific detail any and all of those innumerable efforts on the part of others to secure and fortify a position of privilege. That was the negative side of our action. The positive side, however, was entirely non-political. Americans sought no position of tutordom or control. Only upon the free and spontaneous invitation of the Chinese would they come to counsel and assist.
The important thing was that Americans should continue to take a hand in the education of China and the upbuilding of Chinese business and enterprise. They had done this in the past, and would do it in the future in the spirit of free coöperation, without desire to exercise a tutelage over others, always rejoicing in any progress the Chinese themselves made. Such activities must continue and increase. Sound action in business and constructive work in industry should be America's contribution to the solution of the specific difficulties of China. The Chinese people were discouraged, confused, disillusioned; but every centre, no matter how small, from which radiate sound influences in education and business, is a source of strength and progress. If Americans could be stopped from doing these things, or impeded and obstructed in them, then there would nothing further remain worth while for Americans to do. But if they could organize enterprises, great and small, they would in the most direct and effective manner give the encouragement and organizing impulse which China needed so urgently. So the simple principle of American action in China is this: By doing things in themselves worth while, Americans will contribute most to the true liberation of the Chinese people.
Never has one nation had a greater opportunity to act as counsellor and friend to another and to help a vast and lovable people to realize its striving for a better life. Coöperation freely sought, unconstrained, spontaneous desire to model on institutions and methods which are admired—that is the only way in which nations may mutually influence each other without the coercion of political power and the cunning of intrigue. That is a feeling which has existed in the hearts of the Chinese toward America. The American people does not yet realize what a treasure it possesses in this confidence.
OLD CHINA AND THE
NEW REPUBLIC