Thus the Chinese feared Japanese intrigue at every point. They believed that revolutionary activities, as in the past, were getting encouragement from Japan. The Japanese were ready to take advantage of and to aggravate any weakness which might exist in Chinese social and political life. They would fasten like leeches upon any sore spot. The tendency toward rebellion and brigandage, the counterfeiting of banknotes, the corruption of officials, the undermining of the credit of important private and public enterprises, the furnishing of more dangerous drugs when opium was forbidden—in connection with such mischiefs individual Japanese had been active to the great damage of the Chinese. But though it would be unjust, of course, to charge up this meddling to the Japanese nation as a whole the connivance of their militarist government was a fact.
The British looked upon the new adventure of Japan with a decided lack of enthusiasm. While welcoming the losses inflicted on their enemy in war, they were evidently fearful of the results which might come from Shantung.
It was plain that the Russians, too, while allied with Japan, were quite aware of the dangers inherent in the Chinese situation. Taken with recent Japanese advances in Inner Mongolia, a situation was created in northern China which would be regarded as dangerous by the Russians. Discussing the unrest in China, the Russian minister said to me significantly: "The situation itself does not impress me as serious; the only serious thing about it is that the Japanese say it is serious."
In fine, the general temper and direction of Japanese action was not relished by the allies of Japan. Japan had taken advantage of a conflict which was primarily European, into the rigour of which she did not enter, for the purpose of gathering up the possessions of Germany in the Far East and the Pacific at a time when they could be but weakly defended.
This policy of Japan deeply affected American prospects and enterprise in China, as, also, that of the other leading nations. Since the American attitude of goodwill toward China had in the past been understood by the Chinese to imply a readiness to give them a certain support in times of need, large hopes were entertained as to what the United States would do. Rich and powerful beyond measure, she would, in the minds of the Chinese, help China to maintain her integrity, independence, and sovereignty. Other nations, not a little jealous of the past goodwill of the Chinese toward us, were not slow to point out that American friendship was a bubble which vanished before such concrete difficulties as the violation of China's neutrality. But the Chinese, after all, saw that it did not lie within the sphere of its action for the United States to come to the rescue with direct political and military support. True, the Chinese had encouraged American activities in China. They had looked upon them as a safeguard to their own national life. Since they were conducted in a fair spirit and without political afterthought, the Chinese did hope and expect as a minimum that Americans would stand by their guns and not let themselves be excluded by political intrigue or other means from their share in the development and activities of China.
THE FAMOUS TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS, 1915
"Japan is going to take advantage of this war to get control of China." In these words President Yuan Shih-kai summed up the situation when I made my first call on him after returning from Europe in September. Many Chinese friends came to see me and tell me their fears. Admiral Tsai said: "Here are the beginnings of another Manchuria. Aggressive Japan in Shantung is different from any European tenant."