An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

The original promoters of the movement were not wholly pleased with the efforts to engraft on it principles of constitutional practice and popular consent. As certain military leaders might resort to a coup d'état on October 10th, the anniversary of the outbreak of the revolution in 1911, the review of troops set for that date was countermanded.

Mr. Liang Shih-yi and Mr. Chow Tsu-chi afterward explained to me their preference for the monarchical form. Mr. Liang said: "Chinese traditions and customs, official and commercial, emphasize personal relationships. Abstract forms of thinking, in terms of institutions and general legal principles, are not understood by our people. Under an emperor, authority would sit more securely, so that it would be possible to carry through a fundamental financial reform such as that of the land tax. The element of personal loyalty and responsibility is necessary to counteract the growth of corruption among officials. The Chinese cannot conceive of personal duties toward a pure abstraction."

With President Yuan Shih-kai I had a long interview on October 4th. He assumed complete indifference as to the popular vote soon to be taken. "If the vote is favourable to the existing system," he said, "matters will simply remain as they are; a vote for the monarchy would, on the contrary, bring up many questions of organization. I favour a representative parliament, with full liberty of discussion but with limited powers over finance." Education and expert guidance in the work of the Government were other things about which he was planning. "There is a general lack of useful employment," he added with some hilarity, "on the part of the numerous advisers who hover around the departments. With an administrative reorganization all this will be changed. These experts will be put to work in helping to develop administrative activities." And he reverted to his favourite simile of the infant: "Even if we feel that all their medicine may not be good for the child, yet we shall let them take it by the hand to help it to walk."

It was plain that Yuan Shih-kai, while seeming very detached, was trying to justify the proposed change on the ground of making the Government more efficient and giving it also a representative character.

Doubtless Yuan Shih-kai had thought originally that the Japanese would not obstruct the movement, though ever since the time of his service in Korea he had not been favourably regarded by them. His supporters, indeed, claimed that the assurances first given to Yuan by the Japanese were strong enough to warrant him in expecting their support throughout. By the end of October, however, the Japanese Government came to the conclusion that the project to put Yuan Shih-kai on the throne should, if possible, be stopped.

A communication came from Japan to the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia, which expressed concern because the monarchical movement in China was likely to create disturbances and endanger foreign interests. Japan invited the other powers to join in advising the Chinese President against continuing this policy. The American Government declined this invitation, because it did not desire to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. The other powers, however, fell in with the Japanese suggestion, and on October 29th the Japanese Chargé, and the British, French, and Russian ministers, called at the Foreign Office and individually gave "friendly counsel" to the effect that it would be desirable to stop the monarchical movement.

The British minister asked whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs thought disturbances could surely be prevented; whereat the Chinese rejoiced, believing it a friendly hint that everything would be well, provided no disturbances should take place. As the machinery for holding the elections had been set in motion, the Chinese leaders believed that any action to stop them would bring discredit and loss of prestige.

The final voting in the convention of district delegates at Peking, on December 9th, registered a unanimous desire from the elections of November 5th to have Yuan Shih-kai assume the imperial dignity. Mr. Chow Tsu-chi remarked to me: "We tried to get some people to vote in the negative just for appearance's sake, but they would not do it." Prince Pu-Lun made the speech nominating Yuan as emperor, which earned him the resentment of the Manchus. On the basis of these elections, the acting Parliament passed a resolution bestowing on Yuan Shih-kai the imperial title, and calling upon him to take up the duties therewith connected. He twice rejected the proposal, but when it was sent to him the third time he submitted, having exhausted the traditional forms of polite refusal.

When Yuan was actually elected Emperor, the Entente Powers were puzzled. They announced that they would await developments. The Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs informed them that there would be some delay, as many preparations were still required before the promulgation of the empire could be made. But it was generally believed that the movement had reached fruition. The Russian and French ministers had already expressed themselves privately as favourable to recognition. The German and Austrian ministers hastened to offer Yuan their felicitations, which embarrassed the Chinese not a little. The majority of foreign representatives at Peking were favourable to recognizing the new order on January 1st, when the promulgation was to be made. Messages of devotion and sometimes of fulsome praise came to the Emperor-elect (already called Ta Huang Ti) from foreigners. Foreign advisers, including the Japanese but not the Americans, set forth their devotion in glowing phrases. Doctor Ariga, the Japanese adviser, expressed his feelings in the traditional language of imperial ceremony. It was even announced that the new emperor had been prayed for in foreign Christian churches. I could not, however, verify any such case.

Suddenly, on Christmas Day, came the report that an opposition movement had been started in Yunnan Province.