An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

In other ways and by other persons, different leaders were visited and familiarized with the underlying reasons for the act of the Central Government. These influences interplayed with cumulative effect; no concerted opposition was formed; by a sort of football "interference" the policy to condemn German submarine warfare, and, if necessary, to break relations with Germany, scored its touchdown.

Intelligent teamwork and American energy were in a fair way to give China the backing she needed, having first assured her concerted action with the United States. At a diplomatic dinner which I gave the Minister for Foreign Affairs in February, the absorbing talk was about the diplomatic action taken by China. Count Martel and M. Pelliot of the French Legation, Miles Lampson of the British Legation, Mr. Konovalov, Russia's financial adviser for China, and other Allied representatives all came to me during the evening to say how enormously gratified they were at the initiative of the United States and the stand taken by China. For once nobody could disapprove of Chinese action.

The Japanese also expressed approval, but immediately tried to get China to take the further step of declaring war, and the French minister, too, worked actively for this. Japan was eager to recover the lead. A great campaign of intrigue and counter-intrigue resulted among the various factions in China which threatened to destroy the unifying and inspiring effects of China's action. The question of joining the Allies out and out was thrown into politics. From all this most of the ministers held aloof. When Liang Chi-chao sounded me on this question, I told him, while lacking instructions from my government, that I thought the rupture of diplomatic relations would be enough, if it should come to that. Within a few days instructions came from the State Department to the same effect.

During March I repeatedly saw Vice-President Feng and President Li. Feng, small and slender, intelligent in appearance, bald, with keen but shifty eyes, was courtesy itself. I was specially delighted with the refinement and musical quality of his diction. I went over the whole ground with him, satisfying him, especially, on the question of the specific American objections to the German U-boats. "I approve heartily and completely," he finally assured me, "of the proposed break with Germany."

I found that General Li was not only in favour of breaking with Germany, but of an internal break with his own premier, General Tuan. "I cannot trust him," said Li; "he wishes to eliminate me from real power." This friction within distressed me not a little, as I had sincerely hoped that these two men would come to coöperate.

Then I saw Dr. Wu Ting-fang. Besides being China's foreign minister, Doctor Wu is a spiritualist. When I entered, he followed his usual bent, bundled the morning's business details over to the counsellor in attendance, and devoted himself to philosophizing. Spiritualism, longevity, and the advantages of a vegetarian diet, were to him topics for real thought and speculation. In mystic language, he remarked: "There is an aura gradually spreading from Europe over the entire surface of the world. It enters the brains of the people and penetrates them, making them war-mad. We are having the first signs here."

By March 10th, submarine warfare had not been modified. Parliament then formally approved the breach of diplomatic relations with Germany.

I had almost belaboured the department for instructions during the progress of our work. But it was not until the 13th of March, the very day the break of diplomatic relations was formally notified, that the instructions came. These rather implied that the circular inviting coöperation on the part of the neutral powers had been too strongly acted upon by me. I could not but be inwardly amused.

When a government takes a step involving life and death and all the interests of its own and of general civilization; when, in connection therewith, it calls upon other powers to associate themselves with it—it ought to be safe to presume that the government means what it says. It should see that the action it invokes involves great sacrifices, and it must not invoke it lightly. A responsible official would not be justified in interpreting such a note in a platonic sense.