The war issue worried the Chinese. First, they feared that the militarist party would take advantage of it, through the support of Japanese influence, to fasten its hold upon China; second, that China might by the Allies be made a field in which to seek compensations. But if local political troubles had not entirely upset the situation, it might have been possible to arrange for a joint declaration of the powers that would have allayed suspicion and made it feasible for China to enter the war with a sense of security.
Dr. Wu Ting-fang, acting on the suggestion of Mr. Lenox Simpson and liberal-minded Chinese publicists, made a move to have the American Government do something. He sent advices to Minister Koo in Washington telling him about General Ni and his leadership of the revolt of the Tuchuns. The southern provinces were still loyal to the President and parliament, and the civil and commercial population disapproved of the rebellion. President Wilson and Secretary Lansing were asked to make a statement in behalf of representative government in China. This was followed by a direct appeal to President Wilson.
But the American Government had already instructed me on the 5th of June to communicate to the Chinese Government a statement evincing a sincere desire for internal political harmony. The question of China's entry into the war, it said, was secondary to continuing the political unity of China and the laying aside of factional disputes. I accompanied it orally with a personal statement that the United States conceived the war to be one for the principles of democracy; that it would deplore any construction of its invitation which would lend itself to the idea that it contemplated any coercion or restriction upon Chinese freedom of action. I made plain that no matter how much the United States wished the coöperation of China in the war, it did not desire to bring this about by using the political dissensions or working with any one faction in disregard of parliament.
General Tuan Chi-jui at once stated to Doctor Ferguson, who unofficially informed him of the American note at Tientsin, that he had totally withdrawn from all politics. The Chinese press gave a very favourable reception to the note; the Chinese people welcomed America's advice. General Feng Kuo-chang, later when he had become President, spoke of the note to me, and remarked on the salutary influence it had wielded upon public opinion in China.
While the political dissensions in the Chinese state were too personal to be overcome by any friendly suggestions from the outside, nevertheless the American note had set up a standard for all the Chinese. It had, furthermore, given convincing proof of the fact that the true interests of China were impartially weighed by the American Government, and were not entirely subordinated to any war policy which America might desire to advance. From all parts of China came expressions of gratitude and satisfaction that the American Government should have spoken to China so justly and truly. The Chinese appreciated the spirit of justice of the American Government in not desiring to have the war issue used for the purposes of enabling any faction or party to override the free determination of the Chinese Government and people. As America was itself at war and would therefore have welcomed coöperation, this just policy particularly impressed the Chinese.
The Japanese press both in Japan and China immediately launched forth into a bitter invective against the American action. The United States should have consulted Japan. Its action constituted interference in the domestic affairs of China. "If China listens to advice from America," a Japanese major-general declared in an excited speech at a dinner in Peking on the 7th of June, "she will have Japan to deal with."
The Japanese ambassador at Washington protested informally. Had not Secretary Bryan, in a note dated the 13th of March, 1915, recognized the special and close relations, political and economic, between Japan and China? It was impossible that the American minister at Peking was taking a part in political affairs in China, but the Japanese public was sensitive about the note sent by the American Government to China. Would it not be useful if the American Government would confirm Mr. Bryan's statement?
The reply to this communication did not come until the 6th of July. Mr. Bryan's statement, the reply said, referred only to the special relations created by territorial contiguity in certain parts of China. Even with respect to them it in no way admitted that the United States might not in future be justified in expressing itself relative to questions that might arise between China and Japan. The United States could not be indifferent to matters affecting the welfare of the Chinese people, such as the unrest in China.
The first detachments of Chang Hsun's troops arrived in Peking on the 9th of June. Chang Hsun's theory was that it is the business of a trooper to make himself terrible. These wild horsemen, wearing loose-fitting black uniforms, with their cues rolled up on the back of the head, rode about Peking with the air of conquerors. The "Mediator" was coming with sufficient military force to back his judgment.
When General Chang himself arrived, the streets from the railway station to the Mediator's house in the Manchu city were entirely shut off. Mounted troopers blocked the way as my automobile came along a side street to cross one of these thoroughfares. They nearly collided with the front of my machine, drew their guns, and would not budge. To explain to them my right to pass would have meant sending someone to the Foreign Office; even then in order to go on I might have to run over them, for the Foreign Office, undoubtedly, meant nothing at all to them. I told my companion not to let them know my position. We tried to pass through on the ground that we had business on the other side, but they reared their horses up and down, and nearly came into the machine with us. We were held up until the great man had arrived and had raced from the station to his residence.