An American Diplomat in China

by Paul S. Reinsch

As may be imagined, there were some comic incidents. A rather distinguished man had been summoned by the Premier to discuss with the President his assumption of one of the cabinet portfolios. A Chinese friend of mine who had just heard of the restoration saw him at the hotel about ten o'clock in the morning. On being asked what was his errand in Peking, the distinguished personage stated confidentially that he was awaiting a carriage to take him to the President's palace. "There is no President," he was told. "This is now an Empire; the Emperor was enthroned at four o'clock this morning." The great man's astonishment was amusing.

As the military chiefs were deceived on the preceding night, so Peking was deceived for one day. As the news spread, the population showed an almost joyous excitement. Everywhere the yellow dragon flags appeared, soon the entire city took on a festive appearance. Revived memories of past splendour seemingly made the population of Peking imperialist to a man. But the height of this movement was reached as early as the morning of the 2nd of July.

I had avoided receiving General Chang Hsun. Mr. Liang Tung-yen came to assume office as Minister for Foreign Affairs; I also abstained from seeing him, as well as the rest of General Chang's ministers, asking Doctor Tenney to talk with those who presented themselves. Mr. Liang had always been an imperialist, and was in high spirits, believing that at last China was saved. He had been led to believe that the foreign diplomats would readily recognize the restoration.

Strong doubts as to the character of the movement became manifest on Monday, the 2nd of July. Tuan Chi-jui did not figure in the Imperial official lists. When asked about this, Chang Hsun declared that General Tuan was unimportant, having no troops under his command. But Liang Chi-chao had been playing cards with friends at about 2 A.M. on the fateful night, when the news was telephoned to Tientsin. Liang immediately went to General Tuan's residence, where the latter was similarly engaged at cards. General Tuan, who was thoroughly weary of public affairs, was difficult to rouse; he begged to be spared the trouble of thinking of what might be occurring in Peking. More details came in, and it became apparent what a thoroughly one-man affair the movement was. Then Tuan roused himself.

Tuan was at that time actually only a private citizen, without authority or command. But I learned later that Liang Chi-chao had gone to Japanese friends for funds to enlist the military against the Imperial movement, and he got 1,000,000 yen as a loan to himself and General Tuan for this purpose. It was to be treated as a government loan upon restoration of normal conditions.

The two proceeded on Tuesday to Machang, where the Eighth Division had been encamped since the attempt to overawe President Li Yuan-hung. General Tuan, it was stated, felt nervous as to the outcome of his venture, but he called the commanders, declaring that he had always been opposed to a restoration of the monarchy, and that it was now being attempted by a single general. To resist this act he proposed to take command of the republican troops.

General Tuan was at once recognized as commander-in-chief. President Li, on his part, did not yield to the importunities of Chang Hsun. He gave out an absolute denial of the statement that he favoured the restoration. After issuing a mandate that turned over the Presidential powers to the Vice-President and appointed General Tuan Chi-jui Premier and Commander-in-Chief, he took refuge in the Legation Quarter. I sent a personal representative to General Tuan at Tientsin, who declared that he already had complete control of the military situation and could finish Chang Hsun inside of ten days.

As hostilities threatened in and around Peking, and as the danger of looting was always present, I discussed the precautions to be taken with several of my colleagues, and agreed with the Japanese minister that we would each bring a company of reinforcements from Tientsin. Meanwhile, the movements of Tuan's troops began. To hinder their advance, Chang Hsun's men broke the railway at a point about one third of the way from Peking to Tientsin.

Certain members of the diplomatic corps urged that we give notice that no fighting should take place on or near the railways. As we had made no objection to the bringing in of Chang Hsun's troops and to their being stationed in Peking and along the railway, I took the position that we were not justified in objecting to the troops of the government to which we were accredited taking necessary action against Chang Hsun. We might, however, insist upon the right of keeping the railway open. This met with approval. On the 5th of July a demand was made upon the belligerent generals that the railway must be kept open, and that at least one train be allowed to pass in each direction every day.

The damaged line was reconstructed, and on July 6th, the American infantry arrived in Peking; on the 7th, the first trains travelled between Peking and Tientsin—one train actually passing between the armies during a battle. Fighting went on during these days between the troops of General Tuan, directly commanded by General Tuan Chi-kwei, and Chang Hsun's forces; there was much firing but small loss of life, and the latter's forces were finally driven back toward Peking. The troops of General Tsao Kun also advanced upon Peking from the west.