Salvador of the Twentieth Century

by Percy F. Martin

In the previous year (1907) the Government of Salvador determined to establish a permanent Legation at Washington, "so that the friendly relations now existing between the two Governments may be continued on a more intimate basis, and in order that the good counsel of the United States may be more readily sought and obtained."

As far back as 1850 the American Minister of the day, Mr. E. G. Squier—who, by-the-by, was a former husband of the well-known American newspaper-owner, Mrs. Frank Leslie—negotiated a treaty with Don Agustin Moráles, Plenipotentiary of Salvador, which subsequently received the requisite ratification on both sides, has since been renewed, and is in full force and effect. It secured to the citizens of the United States all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the citizens of Salvador in commerce, navigation, mining, and in respect of holding and transferring property in that State. It guaranteed to the American citizens resident in the country full protection and enjoyment of religious freedom, and, in short, every other right and privilege which has been conceded in any treaty negotiated between the United States and any other nation in the world.

Owing to the extraordinary energy and unmistakable ability displayed by Mr. Charles H. Sherrill, the late popular and able United States Minister at Buenos Aires, contract after contract which should—or at least might—have gone to British manufacturers, have been secured for America. I need only mention two instances: one for the building of the three Dreadnoughts which are now being constructed in United States yards; and the other an order for fifty locomotives for the Government railways, which might—and, again, probably would—have gone to British shops. While the United States Minister did his level best for his countrymen, and for which he deserves every credit and congratulation, and while his efforts on their behalf were smiled upon with approval by the American Secretary of State, the British Minister, locked up behind his customary reserve and official dignity, neither could nor would move a finger to help British manufacturers in their struggle against this serious competition.

It seems, indeed, strange that where American, German, French, Italian, and Belgian diplomats consider it by no means beneath their dignity, or as at all outside their sphere, to personally influence trade orders for their countrymen, the usual type of British diplomat raises his hands in horror at the mere suggestion of a Legation condescending to recognize the existence of trade, repelling with frigid dignity any suggestion that the representative of the British Government should concern himself with anything of a purely commercial or industrial nature.

That the United States diplomats do not stand alone in their gallant efforts to support American trade and commerce, and that they are not singular in the supposition that the whole duties of an Ambassador or Minister are confined to Government functions and meaningless ceremonies, is proved by the energy which is displayed by some German diplomats, who are very often instrumental in checking the energy and frustrating the success of their American competitors. It was only in the month of March last that Mr. H. T. Schwerin, of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, in testifying before the Senate Committee on Interoceanic Canals, then sitting at Washington, declared that his own company had lost 60 per cent. of its carrying business to German lines largely through the activity of the German Minister to Mexico, who had successfully exercised his diplomatic influence in extending German commerce in Central America. Distressing as this must have been to our good American friends, I do not think that the information will be received with feelings of much regret by British readers, especially as it will appear to them in the light of "poetic justice," since British commercial and industrial circles in the Argentine Republic, as elsewhere, have suffered in exactly the same manner at the hands of the Americans.

The trade of Central America, as has been shown, is very largely in the hands of the Germans, for, not content with the representation of their own industries and manufactures, a great proportion of our own "British" Vice-Consuls are Germans by birth, if not by choice. Thus, in both Guatemala and Honduras our trade interests are to-day partially represented by Teutons. It can scarcely be on account of there being no genuine Britishers available, since I have encountered several Englishmen who could, and doubtless would, act as Vice-Consuls, or merely as Consular Agents, if necessary.

Undoubtedly the Germans rank among the most capable of the foreign traders doing business in these countries, as they put themselves to the greatest amount of trouble to study the people and the local conditions—much more so than either the British or the Americans.

The German is not only among the earliest of risers in the morning and the latest to seek his rest at night, his store being always the first to open and the last to close, but he avoids politics, and discreetly retires into obscurity at the first intimation of internal trouble. He studiously, if not willingly, falls into the ideas and complies readily with the wishes of the country, no matter what forms they may assume; and he is hardly ever known to complain to or about anyone. He knows full well that it would be useless to do so to his home Government, which, like our own, seldom concerns itself with the personal affairs of its subjects abroad, this being one of the reasons why the Germans so cordially hate their own people, and especially the official classes. With them it is indeed an absorbing hatred, and they do not hesitate to confess to it.

No other foreigner earning his living abroad seems to possess the same gift for small economies as the German, nor his ability for steering a clear path among the numerous spies and agents who abound in some of the politically-ridden countries. The Germans, both in their trade and their social relations with the natives, are "all things to all men." They are apparently thoroughly at home among them. One hardly ever hears of a German becoming involved in political trouble or failing in his business. He thrives as no other foreigner in these lands of difficulties and intrigues. It is clear, however, why and how he manages to do so. And for him there is no such thing as a Monroe Doctrine, which was once denounced by Bismarck as a "piece of international impertinence." As often as not he marries a native, and loses his identity.