... Se vis me flere dolendum est
Primum ipsi tibi....
...
Si dicentis erunt Fortunis absona dicta
Romani tollent Equites Peditesque Cachinnum.
The cause of this essential difference is, that the Clergy have already attained the summit of their ambition, whereas the Fanatic is still engaged in the pursuit after profit and estimation:—should it be represented that, with respect to the establishment, there are gradations in preferment, and dignities, with princely endowments, sufficient to excite emulation even in the most indolent of its members,—we acknowledge that such is the fact,—but how are they distributed?—Are they held out as inducements for exertion, as the appropriate rewards of diligence and merit?—By no means:—They are universally disposed of through the channels of family influence, or parliamentary interest:—the minister for the time being (in the name of his sovereign) has the uncontrouled disposal of Church dignities, and it is probable (it might be said notorious) that he will rather consult how he may best strengthen his own interest for retaining his situation, than attend to the characters and qualifications of the applicants:—it is, by no means, intended to call in question the methods, by which the present venerated dignitaries of the Church arrived at their eminence, their exemplary conduct proves that they deserve it, they are beyond dispute, endowed with piety, learning, and conscientiousness in discharge of their sacred functions, but will their successors in office, succeed also to their good qualities? The future probable consequences should therefore occupy the attention of the public;—under such circumstances, the minister may appoint to these dignities, men totally destitute of the necessary qualifications; they, imitating the minister, may confer their patronage upon their own immediate connexions, or upon such fawning sycophants only as are best versed in flattery and insinuation;—can a clergy, thus constituted, command the respect of the people? on the contrary, they will excite contempt rather than reverence:—hence may be discerned the principle of decay in the system, which, unless guarded against with the utmost vigilance, threatens to prove fatal:—the Roman Catholics, swayed by these facts, and their attendant consequences, hesitated at the proposal of Emancipation, when clogged with the Veto;—the clergy foresaw, that in consequence of the Veto, they would, in fact, become dependant upon the minister for all future promotion; the laity were alarmed, lest the priesthood should be corrupted, whilst they suspected that, by these means, the people in general would be demoralized, Emancipation therefore, upon such terms, they wisely determined to reject, and they merit the applause of the public for this their virtuous determination.—“Ere long” (the Revd. Author fervently prays) “may there be prepared and enforced a stronger test than the articles of religion, to clear our Parishes and to save our children from the cruel consequences of Evangelical Instruction,” (by which expression he is supposed to mean the errors of fanaticism.) Would he then, out of pure good will to the Protestants, enlarge their measure of Faith as already prescribed by law, and still farther controul their reason? Is he aware that the defection of many, even of the Protestant clergy, proceeds from a repugnance to these articles, and would he encrease the schism? His hostility to the sectaries may be reasonably suspected, when he recommends a mode, so evidently, tending to increase their numbers. The Catholics are charged by him, with being sworn enemies to their Protestant fellow subjects, he would, notwithstanding, imitate the conduct he reviles, and render the hostility between all parties irreconcilable;—he would, even arm the dignitaries of his Church with more extensive powers, and convert those, who ought to be models of Christian charity, into instruments of unchristian persecution: but the Rev. Baronet has, perhaps, a mitre in contemplation, and is anxious, ere he wields the crozier, that the office may be invested with more ample means of exalting the Protestant Ascendancy, at the expense of all who differ from its doctrines; It is to be hoped, however, that, should he arrive at this proud eminence, he will exercise its present powers, unaided by additional ones, with temperance and discretion.
The Public then will cease to wonder that the Revd. Author should so strongly object to a right honourable gentleman’s declaration, in answer to a Catholic Address, viz: that he is at a loss to account for the reasons that operate, to prevent the Catholics from being “unrestrictedly emancipated,” since this declaration militates against the Protestant Ascendancy;—with due submission, however, to the learned Author’s accumulated Experience (“having, from the earliest period of his academic course, been in the habit of devoting a considerable part of his time in the acquirement of knowledge, and of informing his mind upon matters connected with the History, Politics, and Religions of his country. Having been accustomed, likewise, to pass such time in the society of the most eminent and able Writers, Politicians, and Statesmen, of ancient and modern days.”) We cannot but accord with the above stated declaration of the Right Honorable Gentleman, as equally just and liberal;—if the co-operation of the Catholics, as fellow subjects, be expected, why should they be debarred from the privileges of the subjects?—If their attachment to the Constitution be a desirable object, why not attract them by the united motives of interest and affection?—But how can they be interested in, how can they affect a Constitution, which excludes them, in particular, from its benefits and confidence?—Notwithstanding, however, that we acknowledge the justice and liberality of this declaration, we must beg leave to express our dissent from the same Right Honorable Gentleman, when (according to the Report of a recent debate) he pretends to define the term Liberty, by Potestas faciundi quicquid per leges liceat;—the power of doing whatever may be permitted by the laws, points out, only, that peculiar portion of liberty allowed by each respective Government, to its appropriate subjects, but can never be substituted for the general term itself.—In the Eastern regions, where the Prince is despotic, where the will of the Sovereign is the law of the state, the liberty of the subject will be bounded by the Will of a Tyrant; under such circumstances the people are mere slaves;—hence, the Right Honorable Gentleman’s definition is equally applicable to Slavery, as to Liberty,—it may, however, be looked upon as the definition of a lawyer, and as lawyers, in general, accommodate their pleadings to the taste and interest of their clients, it may be presumed, that the Right Honorable Gentleman adopted his definition to the interest, and peculiar taste of his employer:—in the course of his harangue on the same occasion, the Right Honorable Gentleman is reported to assert, (if we understand the report aright,) that the great body of the people has no right to enter into discussions concerning civil polity, or the immediate measures of Government, an assertion that does but little credit to his head, or his heart.—It may incline the people, however, to examine into the Right Honorable Gentleman’s own claim to this important privilege;—it may also be asked, who are interested in the measures adopted by administration?—Is it the public at large? or is it the ministry? The ministers are, indeed, a part of the people, but a failure in vigilance, with respect to their own immediate interests, will never be attributed to them; the security, the property, the liberty of the people, are at stake, and it behoves them to be equally attentive to their concerns:—to whom are ministers responsible?—to the representatives of the Nation:—who are the constituents of this representative body?—the people:—in order then to estimate the merits of a candidate, the people should become competent judges of the excellence of their own Constitution, and of the qualifications necessary, in a representative, to watch over and to maintain its inviolability;—a close inspection therefore, into the System of Government, and into the conduct pursued by their own representatives, is a duty they owe themselves,—their fellow-subjects, and their posterity;—the upright senator will also invite this serenity, whereas the corrupt fool of a crafty minister will endeavour to evade enquiry, as in the event of detection, he contemplates his own disgrace.
Neither does the Revd. Author spare the Radical Reformers, “Who (he says) under the pretence of Petition, have alone in view the ascertainment of strength, for the purposes of desolation.”——that immense multitudes assembling from all quarters, with the intent of framing Petitions for a reform in their representation, is alarming to the peaceable phlegmatic subject, cannot be doubted, but it is no less certain that in general, they conducted themselves on these occasions, with the utmost tranquillity and discretion:—if (as he maintains) Government were armed with sufficient powers to suppress the meetings, why were they not resorted to in the first instance? why connive at such scenes, even in the Metropolis, where they must undoubtedly be the most formidable, and thus impress upon the people an idea of their legality?—Why encourage a frequent repetition of them, and thus give occasion for the fatal occurrences at Manchester?—If it be true that prevention is better than a cure, were not the Ministers remiss in not instantly exerting their powers? and that they had these powers, we have the Revd. Baronets own authority.—Why, then, resort to new measures, when the existing laws were sufficient for the immediate occasion?—A free Press is generally looked upon as the surest bulwark against the encroachments of power; to it also, we are indebted for the various improvements in Arts, in Sciences, and even in virtue and religion, when considered as Sciences;—the unrestrained privilege of questioning every proposition, and discussing every subject, greatly contributes to the investigation of truth; should the liberty of the Press, degenerate into licentiousness, a legal remedy has, long since been provided;—should it encourage tumultuous meetings, as the former laws (according to Sir Harcourt Lees) were of sufficient force to suppress such assemblies, a farther restraint was unnecessary, and uncalled for;—should it disseminate Blasphemy through the nation, the good sense of the people will soon reject and condemn it, as is evident from the several verdicts returned against the publications of such a nature;—does then, the Baronet indulge in irony, when he extols the conduct of administration? on the contrary, we rather suspect that, misled by his own voracious appetite for praise, in too liberally dispensing it to others, he has unguardedly conveyed censure, where he meant but to commend.
The liberty of the Press, is without doubt, liable to abuse, so is every privilege we enjoy, as men or as subjects, but, if it be once admitted that the abuse of any privilege by a few individuals, is a sufficient reason for withdrawing it from the Public at large, all their privileges as free men will be successively forfeited:—If, indeed, Government had not been possessed of sufficient means for remedying the apparent disorders, they had had a decent apology for resorting to new measures, and restrictive expedients; but, when the Revd. Author acknowledges the competence of the powers vested in Ministers, originally to suppress such assemblies, he according to our apprehension, (though perhaps, not designedly,) censures their conduct in neglecting to do so.