IX. His first task was to alter the military equipment and arms of the Achæans. They had hitherto used light shields, too narrow to protect the body, and spears much smaller than the long Macedonian pike. This light armament rendered them effective as skirmishers, but unable to hold their own in close fighting. Their order of battle, too, was loose and without cohesion, having neither the projecting pikes nor the serried shields of the Macedonian phalanx, in consequence of which they were easily thrust aside and routed. Philopœmen pointed this out to them, and persuaded them to adopt the heavy shield and pike in place of their light arms, to accoutre themselves with helmet, corslet, and greaves, and to endeavour to move in a steady unbroken mass instead of in a loose irregular skirmishing order. When he had induced them to put on complete armour he raised their spirit by telling them that they would be unconquerable, while he also effected a most wholesome change in their luxurious habits of life. It was impossible entirely to do away with their long-standing passion for fine purple robes and tapestry, rich banquets, and furniture: but he directed this love of finery to useful purposes, and soon brought them all to retrench their private expenditure, and to take a pride in the splendour of their military equipments. Their plate was sent to the crucible, and employed to gild corslets, shields, and caparisons; their public places were full of young men training chargers or exercising themselves in arms, while the women were busy fitting plumes to helmets, and ornamenting buff coats and military cloaks. The sight of all this activity roused up their courage, and made them eager for battle. In all other cases too much care for outward show and display leads to effeminacy and luxury, because the pleasure which our senses receive from these things blunt our better judgment, but in military matters this is not so, for a splendid appearance under arms increases men's courage; as Homer tells us that Achilles, when his new arms were brought to him, was at once excited by a vehement desire to make use of them. The youth, thus equipped, were incessantly exercised and practised in their new manœuvres, which they performed with zealous goodwill, being delighted with the close formation of the phalanx, which seemed as though it could never be broken. They soon began to move with ease in their heavy armour, priding themselves upon its splendour, and longing to prove its value in battle against their enemies. The Achæans at this time were at war with Machanidas the despot of Lacedæmon, who had immense resources at his disposal, and menaced the whole of Peloponnesus. As soon as news came that he had invaded Arcadia and had reached Mantinea, Philopœmen with his army marched rapidly to attack him. Both sides drew up their forces near the city of Mantinea, and both brought into the field not only nearly all their own countrymen, but also large bodies of foreign mercenary troops. Machanidas began the battle by a charge of his mercenaries, who routed the Tarentines and other light troops of the Achæans, but then instead of moving at once to attack and overwhelm their main body, hurried away in pursuit, leaving the Achæan phalanx standing untouched. Philopœmen made light of the disaster which had happened to the light troops, and, perceiving the fault which the enemy had committed in leaving their heavy infantry unprotected, so that he had an open plain over which to march against them, disregarded those Lacedæmonians who were pursuing his own auxiliaries, and bore straight down upon their main body, which he took in flank, without any cavalry to protect it, or any general to give it orders, as the men did not expect to be attacked, and imagined that the victory was already won when they saw Machanidas so eager in the pursuit. Philopœmen broke and routed them with great slaughter, four thousand men being said to have perished, and then turned to encounter Machanidas, who was returning with his mercenaries, and found his retreat cut off. A deep and wide watercourse here divided the two leaders, the one of whom endeavoured to pass it and escape, while the other tried to prevent this. They looked no longer like two generals, but the despot seemed more like some savage beast driven to bay by Philopœmen, that mighty hunter. At length the despot spurred his horse, a fiery animal, to attempt the leap. The horse gained the other bank with its fore feet, and was struggling up it, when Simias and Polyænus, the constant companions and aides-de-camp of Philopœmen, rode to attack him with levelled lances. Philopœmen, however, came up with Machanidas before them. Seeing that the despot's horse was rearing its head so as to protect its master's body, he turned his own horse a little to one side, and, seizing his lance firmly with both hands, drove it through his body and cast him from his horse. It is in this posture that Philopœmen is represented in the statue at Delphi, which was placed there by the Achæans in token of their admiration of his courage and conduct on that day.
XI. It is said that when the Greeks were assembled at the Nemean Games, Philopœmen, who had been elected commander-in-chief for the second time, and not long before had won his victory at Mantinea, being at leisure during the festival displayed his phalanx to the Greeks, with the troops drawn up in their serried array, and manœuvring with quickness and precision. Afterwards, while the musicians were contending for the prize in the theatre he entered it accompanied by his young soldiers in their military cloaks and purple uniform, all of them strong men in the prime of life, showing a modest respect for their general, combined with a martial bearing due to their many brave feats of arms. Just as they came into the theatre Pylades the musician began to recite the 'Persians' of Timotheus
"He wrought for Greece a noble work of freedom"
in a loud voice and with suitable solemnity. At this, all the spectators turned their eyes upon Philopœmen and broke into joyous applause, remembering the ancient glories of Greece, and feeling such confidence in him as almost to recover the ancient spirit of their nation.
XII. But just as horses like their accustomed rider, and if another mounts them are scared and unmanageable, so the power of the Achæans become feeble under any other general than Philopœmen. When they saw him, the whole army rejoiced, and were filled with cheerful confidence, well knowing that he was the only one of their generals before whom the enemy always fled, terrified by his name, as, indeed, appeared by their acts. For Philip king of Macedon, thinking that if Philopœmen were put out of the way, the Achæans would become subject to himself as they were before, sent men privately to Argos to assassinate him: but his plot was disclosed, and he became an object of universal hatred to the Greeks. The Bœotians too, when they were besieging Megara and were expecting shortly to take it, retreated in such hot haste that they actually left their scaling ladders planted against the walls, in consequence of a rumour, which proved a false one, that Philopœmen was coming to raise the siege and was close at hand. When Nabis, who became despot over the Lacedæmonians after Machanidas, by a sudden attack captured the town of Messene, Philopœmen was not holding any office, but was a mere private citizen. He could not prevail upon Lysippus, who was commander-in-chief of the Achæans, to go to assist the Messenians, because the latter said that the city must be lost if the enemy were inside the walls. Hereupon Philopœmen went himself to the rescue with the men of his own city, who did not delay for any formal vote to empower him to do so, but followed him because he was born to command. When Nabis heard of his approach he would not await his coming, but although he was in possession of the city he marched out by the opposite gate with all speed, thinking that he would be fortunate if he reached home safe, as indeed he did. Thus was Messene delivered.
XIII. All these exploits of Philopœmen are without doubt glorious to him; but he was much blamed for going a second time to Crete at the request of the people of Gortyna, to act as their general, leaving his own country to be attacked by Nabis, because he avoided the war at home to gather unseasonable laurels abroad. Indeed, the citizens of Megalopolis were so hard pressed at that period as to be forced to live entirely within their walls, and grow corn in the very streets, as they were quite cut off from their fields by the enemy, who was encamped before the gates. Philopœmen, by his remaining beyond seas at this time acting as general for the Cretans, gave his enemies an opportunity of charging him with dishonourably shirking the war at home. Some, however, said that since the Achæans had chosen other men generals, Philopœmen, who had no office to fill, had a right to use his leisure in acting as general to the people of Gortyna when they begged him to do so. Indeed, his nature abhorred rest, and he desired his courage and generalship to be in constant action, like everything else belonging to him. This is clearly shown by his saying about king Ptolemy. When some one praised that prince for carefully training his army and exercising himself under arms every day, Philopœmen answered, "Who can admire a king of Ptolemy's age who is still practising and not performing." However, the citizens of Megalopolis were much vexed by his conduct, which they considered to be that of a traitor, and would have banished him had they not been restrained by the whole body of the Achæans. They sent the general Aristænetus to Megalopolis, who, although he was politically opposed to Philopœmen, would not allow sentence of banishment to be passed against him. After this Philopœmen, being treated with neglect and indifference by his fellow-citizens, induced many of the outlying villages to rebel against the city, telling them to say that they were not originally made subject to it, and he himself openly took their part against his own city when the matter was referred to the general council of the Achæan league. But these things happened afterwards. At the time of which we speak he carried on war in Crete with the Gortynians, not in a simple straightforward manner, as one would expect a Peloponnesian, and especially an Arcadian would do, but he adopted the Cretan character, and by using all their subtle devices and ambushes against themselves, proved that such contrivances are but child's play when tried against a truly experienced general.
XIV. Returning to Peloponnesus with a great reputation from his Cretan successes, he found Philip beaten by Titus Quintius, and Nabis at war both with the Romans and the Achæans. He was at once elected general to attack Nabis, and in a sea fight suffered the same misfortune as Epameinondas, that is to say, he effected much less at sea than was expected of a man of his courage and reputation.
Indeed some writers tell us that Epameinondas was unwilling that his countrymen should taste the advantages of the sea, and fearing that, as Plato says, they might from steady soldiers be transformed into licentious wandering sailors, purposely returned from the coast of Asia Minor and the islands without having effected anything.
Philopœmen, imagining that his knowledge of war on land would enable him to fight equally well at sea, learned by experience how greatly practice assists men's courage, and how much their strength is increased by being trained to use it. Not only was he worsted in a sea-fight through inexperience, but having selected an old ship, which had once been a famous vessel, but now was forty years old, she leaked so much as to endanger the lives of those on board. After the action, finding that the enemy despised him, as though his ships had been entirely driven from the sea, and that they were ostentatiously besieging Gythium, he sailed straightway thither and found them quite unprepared, and with their discipline relaxed in consequence of their victory. He landed his men at night, burned the enemy's tents, and slew many of them. A few days afterwards, being surprised by Nabis in a mountainous spot, while all the Achæans gave themselves up for lost, despairing of extricating themselves from such a difficult position, Philopœmen, after a short survey of the country, proved that strategy is the greatest of military qualities. He quietly and steadily changed his front, manœuvred his army out of its disadvantageous position, attacked the enemy, and completely routed them. Perceiving that the fugitives did not make for the city, but scattered themselves all over the country, which was hilly and wooded, full of torrents and precipices, and impassable for cavalry, he made no pursuit, but encamped before dark. As he conjectured that the enemy after their rout would straggle back into the city by twos and threes under cover of the darkness, he concealed many of the Achæans, armed with daggers, in the rough ground near the city. By this stratagem Nabis's force suffered great losses, for as they did not retreat in a body, but each man as best he could, they fell into their foemen's hands at the city gate like birds into a snare.
XV. Philopœmen gained so much glory by these exploits, and was so much honoured by the Greeks wherever he appeared in public, that he roused the jealousy of Flamininus, who thought that he, a consul of Rome, was worthier of respect than a mere Arcadian, while he had moreover done much more for Greece, having by one proclamation restored those liberties of which Philip and his Macedonians had deprived it. Flamininus put an end to the war with Nabis, who was shortly afterwards assassinated by the Ætolians. As this event threw Sparta into disorder, Philopœmen seized the opportunity, marched thither with an army, and partly by persuasion, partly by force, prevailed upon the city to join the Achæan league. This wonderfully raised his fame throughout Greece, that he should have won over so famous and powerful a city, for Sparta formed a most important member of the league. He also gained the good will of the Lacedæmonian nobles, who hoped that he would protect their newly-won liberty. They sold the house and property of Nabis, and decreed that the money, amounting to a hundred and twenty talents, should be presented to him by a deputation. On this occasion Philopœmen showed himself to be a man of real virtue. At the interview none of the Spartans liked to propose to him to receive the money, but they excused themselves, and made his own especial friend Timolaus undertake to do this. Timolaus, however, when he reached Megalopolis, and living in the house of Philopœmen had an opportunity of observing the noble simplicity of his character and his lofty integrity, in the familiar intercourse of private life, dared not mention the bribe, but gave some other excuse for his visit and returned home. He was sent a second time, with the same result. On a third visit he with great hesitation broached the subject. Philopœmen listened to him without anger, and sent him back to the Spartans with the advice that they should not corrupt their friends, whose services they could obtain gratis, but keep their money to bribe those who endeavoured to countermine their city in the public assembly of the Achæan league, as, if muzzled in this way, they would cease to oppose them. It was better, he added, to restrain the freedom of speech of their enemies than that of their friends. So uncorrupt was he, and inaccessible to bribes.