[Undated.]
The Queen was rather annoyed at the manner in which Lord Clarendon pressed the Duke of Cambridge's going to the Tuileries last night.17 She thought it an immense boon upon her part to allow the Duke of Cambridge to go to Paris—and instead of its being considered as such by Lord Clarendon and Count Walewski, the Queen was told it would offend the Emperor if the Duke did not go to the Tuileries also. The Queen observed that it was unnecessary and unusual for the Duke, or any Prince almost, to live at the Palace of the Sovereign, unless he was a very particular friend or near relation. The Duke of Genoa had refused going there, though he had received other civilities here; in the same manner no Prince comes to this Palace unless he is a very near relation or particular friend. To this Lord Clarendon replied that it was "because the Emperor wished it," which rather shocked the Queen, and she spoke strongly to him upon the subject. The result was that the Queen said she would speak to the Duke of Cambridge about it, and see, as the Emperor made so great a point of it, and Lord Clarendon considered that the Alliance depended upon it, what he would do....
The Queen must and will protest, for she cannot mix up personal friendship with a political Alliance. The former is the result of the experience of years of mutual friendship, and cannot be carried by storm....
There would be nothing unusual in apartments being offered to the Duke of Cambridge, and declined by him. This was done by the King of the Belgians only last summer at Berlin and Vienna, without anybody's construing it into an affront. The Queen adds a list of the Royal personages who have been in England and never resided at the Palace. Lord Aberdeen may show this letter to Lord Clarendon.
Footnote 17: The Duke was going to the Crimea, and it was arranged that he should stop at Paris on the way.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
STABILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT
Buckingham Palace, 1st March 1854.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of this morning. Much as she must regret the postponement of the second reading of the Reform Bill, she must admit its wisdom under the present peculiar circumstances;18 but she doubts the advantage of naming a precise day after Easter on which it is to come on. Considering the importance to the country of preserving the present Government and of not allowing it to be beat on so vital a question, the opportunity should not be lost of ascertaining the state of feeling both in the House of Commons and in the country after the reassembling of Parliament, before the Government decide on entering upon the struggle which the carrying through of the measure might entail. It is quite impossible now to conjecture with certainty what that state of feeling and the general political circumstances at home and abroad may be at that time. Possibly the country may be more eager then for the measure—or the War may disincline it altogether towards it.