[§ 460]. Syntactic evidence.—If in Anglo-Saxon we found such expressions as dæl min=pars mei, hælf þin=dimidium tui, we should have a reason, as far as it went, for believing in the existence of a genitive with a partitive power. Such instances, however, have yet to be quoted; whilst, even if quoted, they would not be conclusive. Expressions like σὸς πόθος=desiderium tui, σῆ προμηθίᾳ = providentiâ propter te, show the extent to which the possessive expression encroaches on the partitive.
1. The words min or þin, with a power anything rather than possessive, would not for that reason be proved (on the strength of their meaning) to be genitive cases rather than possessive pronouns; since such latitude in the power of the possessive pronoun is borne out by the comparison of languages—πατὲρ ἡμῶν (not ἡμέτερος) in Greek is pater noster (not nostrum) in Latin.
[§ 461]. Again—as min and þin are declined like adjectives, even as meus and tuus are so declined, we have means of ascertaining their nature from the form they take in certain constructions; thus, minra=meorum, and minre=meæ, are the genitive plural and the dative singular respectively. Thus, too, the Anglo-Saxon for of thy eyes should be eagena þinra, and the Anglo-Saxon for to my widow, should be wuduwan minre; just as in Latin, they would be oculorum tuorum, and viduæ meæ.
If, however, instead of this we find such expressions as eagena þin, or wuduwan min, we find evidence in favour of a
genitive case; for then the construction is not one of concord, but one of government, and the words þin and min must be construed as the Latin forms tui and mei would be in oculorum mei, and viduæ mei; viz.: as genitive cases. Now, whether a sufficient proportion of such constructions (real or apparent) exist or not, they have not yet been brought forward.
Such instances have yet to be quoted; whilst even if quoted, they would not be conclusive.
[§ 462]. A few references to the Deutsche Grammatik will explain this.
As early as the Mœso-Gothic stage of our language, we find rudiments of the omission of the inflection. The possessive pronouns in the neuter singular sometimes take the inflection, sometimes appear as crude forms, nim thata badi theinata=ἆρον σοῦ τὸν κράββατον (Mark ii. 9.) opposed to nim thata badi thein two verses afterwards. So also with mein and meinata.—Deutsche Grammatik, iv. 470. It is remarkable that this omission should begin with forms so marked as those of the neuter (-ata). It has, perhaps, its origin in the adverbial character of that gender.
Old High German.—Here the nominatives, both masculine and feminine, lose the inflection, whilst the neuter retains it—thin dohter, sîn quenâ, min dohter, sinaz lîb. In a few cases, when the pronoun comes after, even the oblique cases drop the inflection.—Deutsche Grammatik, 474-478.
Middle High German.—Preceding the noun, the nominative of all genders is destitute of inflection; sîn lîb, mîn ere, dîn lîb, &c. Following the nouns, the oblique cases do the same; ine herse sîn.—Deutsche Grammatik, 480. The influence of position should here be noticed. Undoubtedly a place after the substantive influences the omission of the inflection. This appears in its maximum in the Middle High German. In Mœso-Gothic we have mein leik and leik meinata.—Deutsche Grammatik, 470.