Lerroux, Pablo Iglesias, Nakens.—The Socialists in Spain have a very small following, and that confined to a few of the industrial cities, chiefly in the north. They formed a coalition with the Republicans to secure the rout of the Clericalists at the Municipal Elections of 1909, but the party is disunited, Iglesias and Lerroux seldom coming into line with each other, while neither of them goes so far as Nakens, editor of the Socialist organ El Motin and a violent revolutionary. El Motin has a very small circulation, and the programme of the Socialists has no serious influence in Spanish politics.
The Separatist, Regionalist, and other groups of Catalans exist solely for the political purposes of that province, and play no part in the programme of either of the national parties.
The so-called Anarchist party, of which so much has been heard abroad, is practically non-existent. Their sporadic publications have no genuine circulation and seldom live for over a month.[30]
The Reactionary, Clericalist, or Ultramontane Party
The leader of this party, Maura—for many years a Liberal and the intimate friend of Moret—adopted Conservative principles under Silvela, and on his death was chosen to be leader of the Conservative party. His Liberal proclivities at first influenced him in the direction of reform, and gave him a strong and united following among the true Conservatives. But as time passed he developed so much religious fervour that he has now become recognised as the protagonist of the Religious Orders and the hope of the Church in the rapidly approaching final struggle with the State. Down to July, 1909, Maura was able to hold the Conservative party together, notwithstanding the marked development of reaction in his policy. But after the events at Barcelona the Conservatives proper withdrew their support on his programme of repression, and since his Cabinet fell in October of that year, he has been universally regarded more as the tool of the Ultramontanes than the leader of the Conservative party.
The organ of Maura is La Epoca. It is sold in Madrid at 10 cmes., but is never seen on the bookstalls at any distance from the capital, and can only be obtained in provincial towns by paying three months’ subscription to the Madrid office in advance. Its circulation is exclusively confined to the Clericalist aristocracy and plutocracy, by whom it is subsidised.
The Carlist, Jaimist, or Traditionalist Party
This party, which numbers many of the richest men in Spain among its adherents, besides all the Religious Orders, with their enormous wealth and influence, is directed from the Castle of Frohsdorf by Don Jaime, Duke of Madrid, through persons whom he appoints in every province of Spain. The name brought most frequently before the public in connection with the party, after the Pretender’s own, is that of Llorens, whose work in the Melilla campaign is referred to in Chapter VII. The Pretender has a complete organisation all over Spain, with Caciques in a large number of provincial towns and villages, and is supported by numerous religious associations, clubs, colleges, &c., of a confessedly militant character, but confined to the upper classes.
The leading organs of the Carlists are the Correo Español and the Correo Catalan, with offices in Madrid, Paris, and Barcelona; but practically all the reactionary Press supports the claims of the Pretender more or less openly. The Carlist papers have no sale among the working classes, and can only be obtained outside of Madrid (like La Epoca) by paying three months’ subscriptions in advance.
Among military politicians much in the public eye may be mentioned Generals Luque, Weyler, and Lopez Dominguez, all on the Liberal side, and all strong men, in whom the people feel confidence. Aguilera, twice Alcalde of Madrid under Moret, who has been referred to in Chapter XIII., is highly popular with the poor of Madrid, owing to his consistent kindness to the children, whom he takes under his special protection.