Meanwhile the great Council of the Allied Planets met, and it became all too apparent that the operations, as a whole, were being pursued with even more than our customary hesitation and delay. The Archangel Gabriel, an excellent First Minister in times of peace, was beginning to give unmistakable signs of being too old and slow-witted for his work. Since his well-remembered and highly successful controversy with Lucifer, some æons before, his powers had been steadily waning; and it was speedily becoming apparent that he had no longer the mental alertness and vigour of body for a prolonged campaign conducted under the stress of modern conditions. At times—as, for instance, over the thunderbolt shortage—he would arouse himself to prodigious efforts, equalling, if not outstripping, his ancient prowess. And then he would fall into always increasing periods of apathy, from which there was no extracting him.
In these circumstances I wrote the following memorandum:—
Memorandum by the Rt. Hon. Winsom Stunster Chortill on the general situation:
We have now been at war for forty-three years and eleven days. A prodigious expenditure of blood and treasure has so far secured for us no material advantage. The essential services are suffering from lack of co-ordination. Much valuable energy is being wasted in duplication of effort.
I have indicated in the accompanying appendices (36 in number) detailed plans for a change of policy on all the fronts, and I attach also an additional memorandum with 7 sequellæ, 41 maps and a detailed schedule of supplies, dealing with the political situation likely to arise on the Transit of Venus, and outlining a scheme of operations for immediate consideration and adoption.
After all these years it becomes necessary to say that the Allied cause is suffering from a want of decision. As each new problem arises we seem to be more and more unprepared. This cannot be indefinitely prolonged, and only one sensible solution presents itself—namely, that the control of all policy, operations and forces should be centred under one hand. Modesty forbids the suggestion that the serious crisis in our national fortunes demands that I should indicate myself as the most suitable person to have charge of this enterprise; but if consulted I should be willing to express my opinion on the matter.
W. S. C.
On the following day, the most fateful of my life, I was unable to resist a foreboding that things were not yet destined to go right for the Allied cause. The careful records I had kept of my administration satisfied me, as I looked through them, that for all I had done I could assure myself of the approval of posterity. We had created, equipped and maintained a gigantic aerial machine. No hostile forces had so much as come within sight of our planet. My further schemes, to which I had applied every existing intellectual test, made us reasonably certain of a speedy result; and I left my room and strode across to the Council with a conviction in my heart that I could carry through my proposals—and yet with a haunting fear of the unexpected. On arriving at the Council Chamber my forebodings became heavier. The proceedings were of a most perfunctory nature. All controversial business was adjourned to a later meeting, and we were informed that a crisis made it necessary for the head of the Government to demand the resignations of his entire Ministry. With a heavy heart I parted with the insignia of my office, realising, as I did so, that the struggle must now be indefinitely prolonged. The head of the Government, animated by that spirit of kindliness towards myself which he had ever shown, pressed me to accept a gilded sinecure. With every wish to avoid giving him pain I felt myself obliged to decline. Posterity, he told me, would appreciate my zeal in the public service.
Posterity, I felt to myself, as I left the building, would, thanks to my diaries, at least understand.
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