It was a long time before any certain news arrived in the city of the ultimate fate of the Armada. There had been rumours abroad that the English fleet had been victorious—with so many Londoners serving in the fleet, it would have been strange indeed if their friends at home had been kept in absolute ignorance of what was taking place in the channel—and bonfires had been lighted, but these rumours were often incorrect and sometimes lead to mischief. The mayor therefore issued his precept to the aldermen on the 30th July—the day after the engagement off Gravelines—bidding them see that the inhabitants of their several wards refrained from crediting any news that might be reported of the vessels at sea but what they received from the mayor himself. The precaution was necessary "for the avoyding of some dislike that may come thereof."[1676] On the 1st August, so critical were the times, the mayor issued a precept by the queen's orders forbidding householders to quit the city, that they might the better be ready for the queen's service if required.[1677] On the 4th the citizens were informed that if they had any friend or servant detained as prisoner in the Spanish dominion, or bound to the galleys, whom they wished to set free,[pg 543] they might have Spanish prisoners allotted to them to assist towards ransom.[1678]
The queen attends a public thanksgiving service at St. Paul's, 24 Nov., 1588.
The first public notification of the complete destruction of the Armada was made in a thanksgiving sermon preached by the Dean of St. Paul's on Tuesday, the 20th August, at Paul's Cross, in the presence of the mayor and aldermen and the livery companies in their best gowns.[1679] In November the queen resolved to attend a public thanksgiving service at St. Paul's in person, Monday, the 18th, being the day that was originally fixed. Great preparations were made for the occasion. The livery companies were ordered to take up their appointed stations at eight o'clock in the morning and to follow in the train of the royal procession until the "preaching place" was reached. Places were to be kept by a detachment of the "yeomanry" of each company sent on at six o'clock for that purpose. The "governors of the hospital" of each company were also to attend, staff in hand, and repair to the "skaffold" for them appointed. After dinner the companies were to return immediately to their stations and to wait there until her majesty returned to Somerset House.[1680] The day was afterwards changed from Monday, the 18th, to Sunday, the 24th, when the queen came in great state to St. Paul's. After prayers she took her seat in a closet built out of the north wall of the church and facing Paul's Cross, where she heard a sermon preached by the Bishop of Salisbury. That being over she was entertained at dinner in the[pg 544] bishop's palace, and afterwards returned to Somerset House.[1681]
Monuments in city churches to Frobisher, Hawkins and Martin Bond.
Whilst the City is justly proud of its own share in the defence of the kingdom at this great crisis in the nation's history, it has not neglected to give honour where honour was most due. Of the great naval commanders the "sea dogs" of that age—the faces of at least two of them were familiar to the citizens. Both Frobisher and Hawkins owned property in the city, and in all probability resided there, like their fellow seaman and explorer, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who was living in Red Cross Street, in the parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, in 1583, the year that he met his death at sea.[1682] The same parish claims Frobisher, whose remains (excepting his entrails, which were interred at Plymouth, where he died) lie buried in St. Giles's Church, and to whom a mural monument was erected by the vestry in 1888, just three centuries after the defeat of the Armada, to which he had contributed so much. If Hawkins himself did not reside in the city, his widow had a mansion house in Mincing Lane.[1683] He, too, had probably lived there, for although he died and was buried at sea, a monument was erected to his memory and that of Katherine, his first wife, in the church of St. Dunstan-in-the-East.[1684] There is one other—a citizen of London and son of an alderman—whose name has[pg 545] been handed down as having taken an active part in the defence of the kingdom at this time, not at sea, but on land. A monument in the recently restored church of St. Helen, Bishopsgate, tells us that Martin Bond, son of Alderman William Bond, "was captaine in ye yeare 1588 at ye campe at Tilbury, and after remained chief captaine of ye trained bands of this citty until his death." The monument represents him as sitting in a tent guarded by two sentinels, with a page holding a horse.
Disorganized state of the camp at Tilbury.
It was well that the Spaniards suffered defeat at sea, for had they been able to effect a landing they would have made short work with the half-trained and dissatisfied soldiers in the camp at Tilbury, and London would have been at their mercy. Even the presence of Elizabeth herself, riding on horseback through the camp, as she did on the 8th August, was but poor compensation to the soldiers for the want of victuals and wages. Many sold their armour and weapons to pay themselves as soon as the camp broke up. Citizens of London were warned by royal proclamation (20 Aug.)[1685] against purchasing armour and weapons offered by soldiers, who were declared to "have most falsly and slanderously given out that they weare compelled to make sale of them for that they receaved noe pay, which is most untruely reported." Any armour or weapons bought before publication of the proclamation was to be delivered up to the mayor with particulars as to the way the purchase had been effected and compensation would be allowed.
City loans of £30,000 and £20,000, Sept.-Dec., 1588.
Notwithstanding the extreme parsimony with which Elizabeth had fitted out both army and navy, the cost of preparations to meet the attack of Spain had been great, and she was obliged to borrow money. In September (1588) the City advanced her the sum of £30,000, receiving her bond for repayment in the following March; and in the following December she borrowed a further sum of £20,000 to be repaid by the following April. Both sums were raised among the livery companies.[1686]
Expedition to Spain under Norris and Drake, April-July, 1589.