2. It was the general congress of Workers and Soldiers Councils at its meetings in Berlin from December 16 to 20, more than any other factor, that gave the Social Democrats the opportunity they had been seeking to disembarrass themselves of the Executive Committee of the Workers and Soldiers Councils of Berlin; and by this means to deliver a decisive blow at the system of Councils as a whole. The Social Democrats had an overwhelming majority in this congress and the delegates, well disciplined and little familiar with parliamentary debate, carried out punctiliously the instructions which had been given them by the official spokesmen.
The congress passed a number of important resolutions:
a. The Councils or Soviet System is rejected.—On December 19 by a vote of 334 against 98 the congress rejected the motion made by Däumig that “under all circumstances the Councils system shall be adhered to as the basis of the Socialist Republic in the sense that the Councils shall possess supreme legislative, executive and judiciary powers.”
b. The Council of the Commissars of the People is strengthened.—The congress, which declared itself invested with complete political power, delegated legislative and executive power to the Council of Commissars of the People up to the time the National Assembly convened. Further, it nominated a central committee (Zentralrat) of the Workers and Soldiers Councils of Germany, consisting of twenty-seven members which was to exercise parliamentary control over the German and Prussian cabinets; that is to say, according to the official explanation of Commissar of the People Haase, all projects of law must be submitted by the Council of the Commissars of the People to the Central Committee and discussed by them. The Central Committee had the right to appoint and recall Commissars of the People for Prussia and for the Reich. Finally the Council of the Commissars of the People was to appoint to each Secretary of State two delegates, a Social Democrat and an Independent, who would be charged with the conduct of affairs within the ministries. As for the Executive Committee of the Workers and Soldiers Councils of Berlin it was limited by the congress to authority only in matters pertaining to the Berlin group.
c. Elections for the National Assembly are held January 19, 1919.—The victory of the Social Democrats was complete. The Independents, because of the small number of representatives they had elected, refused to form a part of the Central Committee, which thereupon consisted only of Social Democrats and was presided over by Leinert, then by Max Cohen, both very moderate in their opinions. The conflict between the Executive Committee of Workers and Soldiers Councils of Berlin and the Central Committee never gave the government any trouble.
But the Independents and the Spartacists had not at all decided to give up the game, for they believed themselves to be at least “masters of the street.” And Christmas week of 1918 in Berlin was a bloody one. A detachment of marines which had installed itself in the royal castle and had refused to leave it in spite of the orders of the government of Prussia had tried to capture Commissars of the People, Ebert and Landsberg, to keep them as hostages against the non-payment of wages due them. Their attempt failed and troops were summoned by the government to force the sailors to leave the castle. Bloody fights ensued in Berlin which lasted till Christmas.
These events produced a crisis in the government. On December 29 the Independents, Haase, Dittmann, and Barth, resigned from the Council of the Commissars of the People; whereupon the remaining three Commissars immediately handed their resignations to the Central Committee. The latter reappointed the three Social Democrats and completed the Government by adding to them three new Commissars, all Social Democrats, Noske, Wissel, Löbe. Löbe declined and his post remained vacant; but Noske and Wissel entered the Government. Scheidemann replaced Haase as co-president with Ebert.
The Independents and the Communists made another attempt. On January 3, the Independents who had entered the Government of Prussia handed in their resignations. But Eichhorn, since the revolution president of the Berlin police, refused to resign his powers and, being recalled, refused to relinquish his post. That was the signal for a veritable insurrection which had been called, not without reason, “the second revolution.” Troops of Spartacists met in bloody encounters in the streets with the troops of Noske and the affair ended with the assassination of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg.
When, three days later the elections for the National Assembly took place, Germany found itself under an exclusively Social Democratic Government.