Wandesford’s last session, Oct. 1640.
A committee sent to England.
The Irish Parliament repudiate Strafford.
The Irish Parliament was prorogued from June to October, when Wandesford found it as unmanageable as before. The House of Commons lost very little time in attacking the method of levying the subsidies, and then agreed to a Remonstrance which criticised adversely all Strafford’s policy, and formed the basis of the charges at his trial. This document was presented to the Lord Deputy, and he was several times asked for an answer. While waiting for this, the House appointed a committee of twelve members to go to England and represent the Irish case there. Clarendon says, and there can be no doubt of the fact, that Strafford’s fate was largely determined by the conduct of this committee, who kept up communications between the revolutionary wire-pullers on both sides of the channel; some of the members were afterwards engaged in the Irish rebellion. They were empowered to call for all public papers in Ireland, and to have copies free of charge. The Remonstrance was carried over by them, and was reported to the English House of Commons a few days later. On the next day Wandesford gave his answer by proroguing Parliament. During the recess, by the King’s special order, he had the journals brought before the Council, and there in the presence of several members of Parliament, tore out the two orders relating to the subsidies. Afterwards, when the tide had turned hopelessly against Strafford, Charles ordered the leaves to be reinserted, but they do not appear in the printed journals. The Lords were surprised by the sudden prorogation, but most of those who were in Dublin met and deputed Lords Gormanston, Dillon, and Kilmallock to carry their grievances to London. When Parliament reassembled this action was confirmed, and Lord Muskerry was added to the number.[262]
Death of Wandesford, Dec. 3, 1640.
Wandesford died three weeks after Strafford’s arrest. The autopsy showed that his heart was diseased, so that distress of mind may have killed him, though his daughter does not say so. He was not long enough at the head of affairs to make much figure in Irish history, but he was an upright judge, made many reforms in the Rolls Court, and seems to have been generally liked. He advised his son to lead a country life, excusing himself for having done the contrary. ‘The truth is, my affection to the person of my Lord Deputy, purposing to attend upon his lordship as near as I could in all fortunes, carried me along with him wherever he went, and no premeditated thoughts of ambition.’ Bramhall attended him on his deathbed and preached his funeral sermon in Christchurch. His daughter says there were not many dry eyes among the multitude present, and ‘the Irish did set up the lamentable hone, as they call it, for him in the church, which was never known before for any Englishman.’[263]
Trial of Strafford, March-April, 1641.
Not guilty of treason in the ordinary sense.
The trial of Strafford, with the intrigues and discussions leading to it, belongs to the general history of these islands. The impressive scene in Westminster Hall has been dwelt on by historians, and is indeed of surpassing interest. The King and Queen were present throughout, and the concourse was such as England had never seen till then. Even hostile witnesses have testified to the inimitable life and grace with which the prisoner under every disadvantage maintained his cause against the accusing Commons, and before judges who had little sympathy with him. Lord Cork, though only a peer of Ireland, had been called up by writ, and Baillie noticed that he sat covered daily, his black cloak being conspicuous among the coloured robes. As the trial proceeded Strafford’s courage and eloquence gained him many supporters; the ladies were all on his side, and the Queen had ample opportunities of admiring his beautiful white hands. His object was to show, and it is generally thought he succeeded in showing, that no single count of the impeachment amounted to treason, and that he was entitled to an acquittal even if every charge was proved. In Fuller’s homely phrase, no number of frogs will make a toad. The Commons, on the contrary, maintained that he had persistently striven to upset the fundamental laws, that there was a cumulative force in repeated offences, and that he ought to die the death of a traitor.[264]