Waterford capitulates,
and Duncannon also.
After the fall of Clonmel and the departure of Cromwell, Waterford was almost isolated, though Duncannon was still in Irish hands, and communication by the river could not be altogether prevented. But Ireton had control of all the county of Waterford and of Carrick, where was the lowest bridge over the Suir. It was therefore practically impossible to relieve the city, and a small force encamped at some distance was probably enough to stop the introduction of cattle or other provisions by land. When Carlow was once invested, Ireton could spare a larger force, and he left that place early in July to press the siege of Waterford, having first sent a summons to offer fair terms. The garrison were to march out and surrender their arms within four miles of the town, officers and gentlemen retaining their swords and pistols. Cannon were not to be removed. Private property of all kinds was protected, and two months given to carry it away. Civilians were to be disarmed, but not otherwise interfered with in any way, and the soldiers might go where they pleased on promising not to serve against the Parliament in England or Ireland. No obstacle was placed in the way of taking service under any foreign government. These terms were rejected, and a further summons was sent after the surrender of Carlow. Preston or his son, Sir James, then made a sporting offer to admit Ireton’s infantry and let them do what they could inside the town. There is a good deal of grim humour in the letters exchanged on this subject, Ireton suggesting that ‘old General Preston’ must be dead. Of course, this came to nothing. More importance attaches to the murder of a man named Murphy, who was going out of Waterford into the country with 80l. in his pocket. A major and a cornet were implicated, and Ireton had them both shot. At last, after much correspondence, Sir James Preston and others came out upon safe conduct dated the last of July. The place of meeting was then called New Cross, just outside the town on the south-east side and close to the Suir. It was probably the news of Carlow having fallen that decided Preston to surrender, for Ireton seems not to have been ready for an assault, though he could annoy the town with his artillery. The terms were virtually the same as those offered a month before, and on August 10, says Ireton, ‘there marched out about 700 men, well armed, the townsmen more numerous than before we believed, and the town better fortified in all parts and more difficult to be attempted than our forces conceived, there being many private stores sufficient to have maintained them a long time.’ Duncannon, which it was now evidently useless to defend, capitulated seven days later.[186]
Surrender of Charlemont, Aug. 14.
A desperate defence.
Sir Phelim O’Neill.
Having taken a fortnight’s rest after Scariffhollis, Sir Charles Coote proceeded to besiege the strong fort at Charlemont, which had been in Sir Phelim O’Neill’s hands since the first outbreak in 1641. As Sir Phelim had accepted the peace of 1649 it was reckoned as a royal fortress, and was the last to hold out for the King in Ulster. Venables joined Coote, and a hot fire was kept up with guns and mortars; but it was not till near the middle of August that a practicable breach was made. The garrison made a desperate resistance, assisted by many women, ‘who more appeared like fighting Amazons than civilised Christians.’ The storming-party were assailed not only with shot, but with scalding slops and hot ashes, and were beaten back after two or three hours’ fighting. Venables had a narrow escape, but Coote, who commanded in chief, remained ‘a spectator, smoking of tobacco at distance.’ The total loss of the besiegers was not less than 500 men, but O’Neill’s ammunition was running short, and only thirty men out of 140 were able to bear arms, all the rest being killed or wounded. He went out himself to confer with Coote, while Colonel Audley Mervyn, afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons, and Major King, afterwards Lord Kingston, were sent in as hostages. The garrison marched out with arms and baggage, Sir Phelim having leave to go beyond sea, and Coote undertaking to find him a vessel. Unfortunately for himself, O’Neill remained in Ireland, while Venables returned to Carrickfergus and Coote to Londonderry. A Parliamentary garrison was left in the fort which had been so dearly won.[187]
Meeting of bishops at Jamestown, Aug. 6.
Ormonde rebukes the prelates.
While the strong places of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster were being reduced, Ormonde was struggling to maintain the semblance of royal authority beyond the Shannon. The Loughrea conferences had led to no good result, and the bishops assembled on their own account at Jamestown in Leitrim on August 6. They announced their intentions to Ormonde through the Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam, who reminded him of what he knew only too well—that there was no army and no money, and that the enemy were actually drawing large contributions from Irish Catholics, whose country was in their hands; so that ‘we are in a fair way for losing our sacred religion, the King’s authority, and Ireland.’ They invited the Lord Lieutenant to send a representative to Jamestown, but he answered with perfect truth that this would be useless after what had already happened. ‘Ancient and late experience,’ he said, ‘hath made evident what power those of your function have had to draw the people of this nation to what they thought fit.’ Yet they had been unable or unwilling to give him possession of Limerick, without which successful military operations east of the Shannon were quite impossible. But he wished the Jamestown assembly all success, especially if the object of the prelates was, as they themselves admitted, to clear their own consciences. He had endeavoured to show ‘that the spring of our past losses and approaching ruin arises from disobedience, and it will not be hard to show that the spring of these disobediences arises from the forgeries invented, the calumnies spread against government, and the incitements of the people to rebellion by very many of the clergy.’[188]