[184] Castlehaven’s Memoirs, p. 91; Carte’s Life of Ormonde, ii. 115; Dillon and others to Ormonde, May 16, in Contemp. Hist., 411, and the articles of surrender, ib. 489. The account of the Aphorismical Discovery, who saw treason everywhere, is hardly to be trusted, but he notes that the cannon were not sent for within three or four weeks, and for a wonder does not accuse Reynolds of bad faith, ib. ii. 95.
[185] The summons and articles are in Borlase’s Hist. of the Rebellion, ed. 1743, appx. 26. Ludlow’s Memoirs, ed. Firth, i. 255. The Diary of one of Waller’s officers printed in Confed. and War, iii. 218, says ‘a passage over the Barrow was by one bridge of bulrushes and another of timber.’
[186] Ireton’s account is in Parliamentary Hist., xix. 336. Diary of a parliamentary officer employed in the parleys in Contemp. Hist., iii. 219. Most of the letters are in the diary of Mr. Cliffe, who was Ireton’s secretary, printed in Borlase’s Hist. of the Rebellion, ed. 1743, appx. 32-45. Sir James Preston always signs as governor, and perhaps his father, whose patent as Viscount Tarah is dated Ennis (where Ormonde was), July 2, 1650, considered himself as still general-in-chief. He stayed for some time in Waterford after the siege. A round shot, which from its position may have come from the other side of the Suir, still sticks in the tower built by Reginald the Dane, which formed the south-east angle of the walls.
[187] British Officer’s Warr of Ireland, p. 131. Archbishop of Armagh and others to Ormonde, August 18, 1650, in Contemp. Hist., iii. 173.
[188] The letter of the two archbishops, July 24, and Ormonde’s answer, August 2, are in Clarendon, Ireland, 130-132.
[189] The Jamestown congregation to Ormonde, August 10, and the Bishop of Dromore’s statement, August 13, in Clarendon, Ireland, 133-137; Ormonde’s answer, August 31, in Cox, ii. 32, where the date is misprinted; eight Commissioners of Trust (none of the names Celtic, Bellings one) to the Archbishop of Tuam, September 2, in Contemp. Hist., iii. 179. Fourteen bishops and the procurators of several others signed the Jamestown declaration. Among the other subscribers were representatives of the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians. The Jesuits refused to sign on the ground that they were not allowed to meddle in politics and affairs of State, Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 359.
[190] The Dunfermline declaration is in the Parliamentary History, xix. 362, and in Walker’s Historical Discourses, p. 170. Whitelock’s summary leaves out the Irish part. Sir Edward Walker, who was with Charles at the time, remarks, ‘What induced him to do it I cannot say.’
[191] The papers concerning Dean King’s mission, August to October 1650, are in Carte’s Original Letters, i. 391-399; the King’s second letter to Ormonde, September 13, ib. ii. 444, and his two letters confirming the peace, March 9 and 20/30, 1648-9, ib. i. 363, 368. The Ennis negotiations with the Commissioners of Trust are in P. Walsh’s Hist. of the Remonstrance, appx. 123-126.
[192] Proposals of six Commissioners of Trust (Bellings being one), October 29, and the six bishops’ answers, November 5, in Walsh’s Hist. of the Remonstrance, appx. 127-135.
[193] The Act of the Loughrea assembly, dated December 7, is printed by Cox, ii. 51. For Ormonde’s movements see Carte’s Life, ii. 136, and Clarendon, Ireland, 175; Ormonde to Sir E. Nicholas from Caen, January 9, 1650-51, in Nicholas Papers, i. 215. Cox says Ireton was advised to send a pass to Ormonde by a great man still living in 1688—this might seem to point to Ludlow, who, however, was not in Ireland at the moment.