Ormonde and the Ultramontanes.
The Duke of Lorraine’s failure.
When the news of Worcester reached Ormonde he knew that all was over for a very long time. A Scottish army in England under Charles in person, a still unsubdued Scotland behind that, and at the same time enough resistance in Ireland to occupy a large Parliamentary force, all these made a combination very unlikely to recur. The only chance, and that a remote one, was that the parties into which England was divided might fall out among themselves, and so the King come by his own. ‘This,’ he wrote to Clanricarde, who may never have got the letter, ‘I take to be a remote, lazy speculation, and very near lying in the dirt and crying God help. God often blesses very improbable endeavours, but I find not where he promises, or where he has given success to flat idleness, unless contempt or misery, which are the proper fruits of it, may be so called.’ He thought the only thing to do was to seek foreign help, and that the best chance was to try to make the Pope a mediator. Attempts to get money from Rome for the Irish war had already failed, but it was proposed to send Taaffe there a little later. The Pope would do nothing unless Charles would satisfy him that he had joined the Roman communion, and to let this be known would have alienated England irretrievably. When, in due time, the treaty of Dover was signed, Ormonde was kept in the dark. Bishop French, who had reviled Taaffe for not signing the agreement with the Duke of Lorraine, did not return to Ireland, but he attacked Ormonde long after the Restoration for preferring Cromwell’s protectorate to that of a distinguished Catholic prince. It was, perhaps, impossible for an Irish Ultramontane to understand the position of an English Royalist, but it is easy to see now that Ormonde and Clanricarde were essentially in the right. Neither they nor their master could help the usurpation, but they would have destroyed their chances altogether by placing the sovereignty of Ireland in the hands of a foreign adventurer, who could not call a single sea-port his own. Two years later the Spaniards seized his person, and the French annexed his army.[205]
Hopelessness of the struggle in Ireland.
Operations in the midland counties, March.
Finnea Castle, March 14.
The Parliamentary Commissioners knew that the Irish in Connaught had received arms and money from the Duke of Lorraine, and that they had great hopes from de Henin’s mission. But Ludlow and the rest saw clearly that the subjugation of Ireland was only a matter of time. They did not advise any immediate reduction in the army, but a large part of the country was now contributing to its support, and they saw their way to diminishing the parliamentary grant for Ireland from 33,000l. to 20,000l. a month. They hoped that the area still to be occupied would on these terms be much narrowed by Michaelmas. Provisions and clothes were scarce, ‘yet your poor naked soldiers upon all commands do go out most cheerfully,’ and they were seldom idle. The Irish were making great efforts to form a strong force out of the remnants of O’Neill’s and Preston’s armies in Westmeath, Cavan, and Longford. To prevent this coming to a head Hewson left Trecroghan on March 14, marching by Tyrell’s Pass to Kilbride, which made some resistance, and through Mullingar to Donore, where Reynolds had stormed the castle with much corn and other plunder in it. The two officers here joined their forces to garrison and repair Lord Netterville’s castle at Ballimore, which had been partly dismantled by the Irish. Ballinalack, which commanded a passage into Longford, was taken without much trouble, but a strong stand was made between Loughs Kinale and Sheelin, where Lord Westmeath had left a garrison in his castle of Finnea. He himself had retired with all portable property to a stronghold at Termonbarry, in Roscommon. Colonel Alexander MacDonnell, Antrim’s brother, and Philip MacHugh O’Reilly held the neighbouring village of Togher, where there was another castle, but there was little discipline, and whisky was easily obtainable, so that Hewson had an easy victory. O’Reilly, who had kept his own head clear, could do nothing, and was fain to gallop away, Sir Theophilus Jones being sent in pursuit of the demoralised crowd. Many were killed and about 400 prisoners taken, including the colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major—all MacDonnells, twelve captains, and twenty-eight subalterns. According to the Irish account, those who did not die in Dublin were ‘transported to St. Christopher as slaves.’ The garrison of Finnea then surrendered on fair terms, the men marching away under safe-conduct without arms, and Longford and Cavan were at the mercy of the Parliament. Many still remained in arms under Lord Westmeath’s nominal orders, but they were little better than brigands, plundering the poor, and even depriving fugitive friars of such cattle as they had preserved for their sustenance.[206]
A turning movement in Connaught.
Ireton’s advice to Castlehaven.
Ireton passes the Shannon, June 2.