Limerick closely invested, Aug.-Sept.

Sufferings of the besieged.

The party of surrender prevail.

After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had been content to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the plague which raged within the walls of Limerick. The garrison sometimes made signals with fire, but without result, and spies had not much chance. One poor woman brought a message from Roche, which might have caused a combined attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was caught and ‘hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.’ All attempts to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly repressed. No threats were strong enough to deter these poor wretches, and an example was made by hanging two or three and having the rest driven back with whips. One old man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, ‘but that,’ says Ludlow, ‘was refused, and he with the rest driven back into the town.’ A gibbet was then raised in sight of the walls upon which condemned criminals were hanged, and this stopped the exodus, but only for a time. Michaelmas came round without starving out the place, and Ireton, having greatly strengthened his battering train, resumed active operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat bombshells. But heavy guns had been brought up from the ships, and the counsels of the defenders were divided. Overtures were made to Ireton early in October, but three weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began before the scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual breach was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak spot had hitherto escaped notice, where there was no counter-scarp in front and no mass of earth behind, and Ludlow thought it would soon have been untenable; but Ireton, who had no vanity, thought the sudden surrender ‘a mercy most seasonable at the beginning of winter.’ The English and Irish accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered city, and it is possible that the weak place was pointed out by a deserter or by one of the commissioners who had been going and coming between city and camp. The charter required that a new mayor should be chosen on October 6, and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, who was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had sworn that the city should be defended during his year of office. After more than two months of a mere blockade, ‘we began our approaches,’ says Ireton, ‘in one night, and finished our batteries and planted our guns the second, and next morning began to batter.’[215]

Capitulation of Limerick, Oct. 27.

Persons exempted from quarter.

Excommunication and interdict have no effect.

O’Neill surrenders to Ireton.

Fate of Fennell

The articles offered to the besieged in June and July had been on the whole favourable, but an exception was made as to those who ‘committed the murders and outrages in the first insurrection before the first General Assembly.’ The members of that first Assembly and the clergy generally were also denied all protection, so that the city contained many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as far as possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but twenty-two persons were excepted by name, who were all known or believed to have deceived or overawed the generality of the people into ‘the obstinate holding out of the place.’ All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also excepted. Of those named, the most important were Hugh O’Neill, the governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major-General Purcell, Ormonde’s old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and Geoffrey Barron, amongst the others being a few priests and friars. The corporation and the military officers met, and decided ‘that the treaty should go on, and that they should not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from quarter of life or goods’; but when they met next morning to choose commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by others of the clergy, appeared, and threatened to excommunicate them all ‘if they should deliver up the prelates to be slaughtered.’ But the danger was too pressing and ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of excommunication and a perpetual interdict of the city were posted on the church doors, whereupon Colonel Fennell and others were sent to seize St. John’s Gate and the adjoining tower. O’Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had orders from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose military authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, then summoned a court-martial, but Fennell refused to appear. Lord Castleconnell took his part, so that no sentence was passed; and Fennell, who had the keys and some powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, and said plainly that he would not leave his post until surrender was decided on. At last Ireton’s preparations were complete, and seventeen heavy shot were discharged with great effect against one spot in the wall, whereupon a drum was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two hundred ‘redcoats’ were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and on October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. According to one account, Fennell even threatened O’Neill with a pistol, when that brave soldier rode out alone and delivered his sword to Ireton himself, who treated him honourably. Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially exempted from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect him or others ‘from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for any crimes they might be guilty of.’ There is perhaps no positive evidence against him, though he has always been considered a traitor by writers on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot to give up Clonmel; and Castlehaven, who is not much given to calling names, accuses him of cowardice or treachery in quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to Limerick, after the fall of which, ‘Ireton, with more than his usual justice, hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there pleaded for his defence how he had betrayed me before Youghal; but his judges would not hear him on his merits, but bid him clear himself of the murders laid to his charge.’[216]