Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit Richelieu’s help for the Confederacy, and he had remained throughout one of its most irreconcileable partisans. He now pleaded that he had fought for the liberties of his country just as the English Puritans professed to do. Ireton thought it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered country, that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles I., notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the English wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the Puritans fought to preserve their natural rights, whereas the Roman Catholics ‘would not be contented unless they might have power to compel all others to submit to their impositions upon pain of death.’ The two points of view were hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied with the Lord Deputy’s reasoning. During the short time that was left to him Barron is said to have looked out a wedding suit of white taffety, in which he was hanged, in the belief that his soul would ‘straight enjoy the pleasures of heaven, in the consummation of that eternal nuptial felicity.’[219]
Reinforcements from England, June.
Ludlow in Clare, November.
Ireton joins him.
Lady Honora O’Brien.
Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, but no horses were found in Limerick at its surrender, and they had probably been eaten. The besiegers commanded the estuary, and were in no want of provisions, but the waste among the men must have been considerable, less by actual fighting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements had, however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and Ireton makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An Act passed in April authorised the impressment of 10,000 men, and was not suffered to remain a dead letter. As early as June 25 nearly that number had been landed at Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts from English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. Some were too young for the work, and these were mainly among the volunteers. Money and ammunition was also ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost in following up the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the 4th, after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though very strong, it was evidently untenable now that the great siege was over. The guns lost in July were recovered, and about 230 men marched out with the honours of war and with power to go where they pleased. Those who desired protection were to have it, ‘except Romish priests, Jesuits, and friars.’ Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, after which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. Ireton joined Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, ‘where there is not water to drown a man, wood enough to hang one, nor earth enough to bury him,’ but good pasture between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin district towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the crags; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for five shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora O’Brien, youngest daughter of the late Earl of Thomond and niece of his successor, who was accused of harbouring the enemies’ goods and cattle while herself enjoying the Lord Deputy’s protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon ‘she burst into tears, promising to mend her ways’, and begging Ludlow’s intercession, which was successful. ‘As much a cynic as I am,’ said Ireton, ‘the tears of this woman moved me.’[220]
Death of Ireton, Nov. 26.
The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, and both generals caught bad colds. Ludlow’s constitution triumphed, and he lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. In spite of entreaties he had neglected his health during the siege, not putting ‘off his clothes all that time, except to change his linen,’ and never resting, though he was in a burning fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as mad as a March hare, ‘pen, tongue, head or both, or all, incessantly at work.’ Ludlow was not with him when he died, and we have few particulars. In announcing his loss to Cromwell, the Commissioners call him an incomparable man, and it is certain that he had a high sense of duty and that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others have thought that his republicanism might have prevented Cromwell’s rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. There have been equally vain speculations as to whether Mirabeau, had he lived, could have stopped the French Revolution. Ireton had signed the death-warrant, and as a regicide was of course against restoring the Stuarts, but he was not a theoretical republican, though he would have disliked the supremacy of the army.[221]
FOOTNOTES:
[194] Ludlow’s Memoirs, i. 261; Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 97; Letters (Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the Bishop of Emly, March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, ‘capucinus indignus,’ June 30, all three in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 363-373. Borlase says 17,000 were reported to have died in and about Dublin. Ireton and his officers to Cromwell and the army in Scotland, July 10, 1651, Milton State Papers, p. 72.