War is a costly business. First there is the blood-tax, withdrawing thousands of young men from remunerative work. Then there is the expenditure on war materials, and the destruction of property, which may take long to replace. In modern times soldiers are paid punctually, but some part of the waste has to be met by loans, and so the expense of war goes on when its causes are half forgotten. In the case of the Irish rebellion, it was seen at once that the work could not be paid for out of revenue. Except for a moment under Strafford, Ireland had never been self-supporting, and Parliament, upon whom the King at once cast the responsibility, as yet commanded no regular income and could not pledge the national credit. The city of London was willing enough to give money, but security for repayment was required, and 2500 acres of Irish land were hypothecated for this purpose. It was assumed, judging by the great area affected, and by the experience of former rebellions, that a very much larger amount would be forfeited. Those who subscribed would have something to sell as soon as their money had done its work. In addition to this it proved, just as in Elizabeth’s time, that there was never ready cash enough to pay the soldiers in full, and their arrears also were made a charge upon the Irish forfeitures. There were also many miscellaneous creditors who expected to be paid out of the same fund.[254]
Charles I. a party to the plan of settlement.
Money subscribed for Ireland,
but spent in England.
It is unnecessary to set out in detail the negotiations which led to the passing of the Act for the speedy reduction of the rebels in Ireland, but it received the royal assent and was therefore a legal statute forming the basis of what is known as the Cromwellian settlement. Charles II. was bound by it, for the original contract could not be denied. Six hundred and twenty-five thousand acres were pledged in each province, and the money advanced was to be repaid with land distributed by lot at the rate of 1000 acres in Ulster for every 200l., in Connaught for every 300l., in Munster for every 450l., and in Leinster for every 600l. Profitable land only was counted, bogs, loughs, and barren mountains with the woods growing on them, being thrown in without measurement. A quit-rent was reserved to the Crown of one penny per acre in Ulster, three halfpence in Connaught, twopence farthing in Munster, and threepence in Leinster. Patents and pardons before attainder since the fatal October 23, 1641, were declared void, and so were assignments made after March 1 in that year. A special cause of forfeiture was entering after the said March 1 into ‘any compact, bond, covenant, oath, promise, or agreement to introduce or bring into the said realm of Ireland the authority of the see of Rome in any case whatsoever or to maintain or defend the same.’ The money subscribed was all to be paid in London, and it was specially provided that no part of it was to be devoted to any purpose except the reduction of the Irish rebels until Parliament should declare that the thing was done. But it very soon became evident that there would be war nearer home and long before the time limited for closing the collection. One hundred thousand pounds was borrowed by the House of Commons for their own purposes ‘upon the public faith.’ Charles protested, as he had every right to do, but he set up his standard at Nottingham only nine days later, having already proclaimed Essex a traitor. The Irish difficulty could not be effectively dealt with until it was decided who was to be master in England.[255]
Further financial enactments.
The doubling ordinance.
Superstitious uses.
The settlement suspended by war.
Three Acts to explain or extend the original one were passed soon afterwards. By the first special arrangements were made for admitting Scotch adventurers and Dutch Protestants on or before May 10, 1642; by the second, subscribers who paid all their money before July 20, 1642, were to have Irish acres based upon a perch of twenty-one feet, new contributors and those who were not so prompt, being still confined to English measure, with a perch of sixteen and a half feet, by the third corporations and companies were admitted to contribute as well as individuals. A permanent committee sat in London to watch the interests of the adventurers. Ordinances affecting them were made from time to time, of which one of the most important was that of July 14, 1643, doubling the amount of land to be given in Irish acres for an additional one-fourth to the original subscription, and encouraging merchants and manufacturers to advance money on the security of the towns and neighbourhoods of Limerick, Waterford, Galway, and Wexford. All chantry lands ‘given, unto superstitious uses for maintenance of popish priests and idolatrous masses’ were thrown in, and also all lands ‘given for maintenance of lazars and lazarous people and concealed in possession and occupation of such who are now or shall be rebels, and have been by their ancestors enjoyed by many descents.’ Some months before this, at the beginning of October 1642, the House of Commons sent a committee to Ireland consisting of Robert Goodwin and Robert Reynolds, adventurers and members of Parliament, and of Captain William Tucker, who was associated with them by the City of London. They disagreed among themselves, and effected nothing for the adventurers, but their pretensions gave the King an opportunity of interfering. Dublin was secured in Ormonde’s hands, and so it remained until Charles was overthrown in England. But civil government was in abeyance long after that, and it was not until August 1652, when the Irish war seemed to be nearly over, that Parliament was able to declare how Irish land should be dealt with.[256]