The Anabaptists.
Henry Cromwell’s moderation.
Oliver Cromwell became Chancellor of Oxford, and it was natural that the University of Dublin should confer a like honour upon his son, Ormonde being outlawed by the Act of 1652. Almost immediately after his landing Henry was received in state and entertained at dinner by the vice-chancellor, provost, and others, ‘who, with many doctors, were all robed in scarlet.’ The vice-chancellor was Dr. Henry Jones, who kept his bishopric of Clogher in the background, his services as scoutmaster-general of the Parliamentary army having secured him in his place. The provost was Dr. Samuel Winter, who ranked as an Independent, but was inclined to maintain friendly relations with Episcopalians and Presbyterians. Very probably his influence was great in determining Henry Cromwell’s tolerant policy towards Protestants of all sorts; but this did not secure general good-will, for the Anabaptists were ‘much offended with him for coming every Lord’s Day to parochial and public congregations and with his chaplains for preaching against dipping.’ Winter himself preached and wrote in favour of infant baptism, and for adhering to him ‘a godly man’ was solemnly excommunicated by the Dublin Anabaptists, and had no alternative but to join the Independents. Henry Cromwell’s letters are full of complaints about the Anabaptists, and their opposition in the Government and army was formidable, for they could count twelve governors of cities or towns, twenty-four field officers, many captains, two salaried preachers, and twenty-three officials in civil pay. A clergyman at Galway complained of oppression by Colonel Sadler, the governor of Galway, his offence being that he had baptised children, and prevented ‘dipping’ in his church. He recalled the tyranny of John of Leyden and Knipperdoling, and lamented that so notable a town should be abandoned to a ‘few mechanic barbers and tailors.’ Fleetwood had encouraged the sectaries more from weakness than from actual sympathy. Military adventurers, who had enjoyed despotic power during the war, were disgusted at having to share it with moderate men, and especially at the re-establishment of regular courts of law. Henry Cromwell was all for promoting ‘the ancient Protestant inhabitants,’ who had been dispersed and were now trying to return to their old occupations. Vincent Gookin and his friend Petty were thoroughly in favour of this moderate policy. Of the discontented people not one in a hundred had any property before the war, the rest having gained possession of what they could in payment for service or by buying out Adventurers and soldiers. ‘And the confiscation of land in Ireland,’ adds Gookin prophetically, ‘is so general, the settlers and sellers so many, the buyers and takers so few, except them, that it is certain within a year or two, all these men will have too great interests in forfeited lands to give them up to Charles Stuart, or any from him.’[283]
Reduction of the army, Sept. 1655.
A mutiny quelled.
The reduction of the army in Ireland was a gradual and difficult operation. In 1652 its total strength was about 34,000 men, which were reduced to about 24,000 in the following year. In 1655, about 5000 more were disbanded without any disorder, and Fleetwood estimated that this would reduce the monthly cost to 28,000l., a saving of some 17,000l. As much haste as possible was made to provide the disbanded men with land, but they showed no disposition to settle upon it. Cavalier plots and military discontents induced the Protector to seek reinforcements in Ireland, and both Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell feared lest their garrisons might be unduly weakened, for disturbances in Great Britain always had their echo beyond the channel. In January 1655, 2300 men were sent to Liverpool, but they embarked very unwillingly, saying that they had been engaged to fight Irish rebels, whereas in England they might be employed against their best friends. One company was cashiered by a court-martial, and one man was hanged at the masthead. Later on troops were sent from Ireland to Jamaica.[284]
Oliver Cromwell and his son.
Anabaptists and Quakers in the army.
It may be doubted whether Oliver Cromwell really had any dream of founding a dynasty. We have his own statement that he wished his sons to live privately in the country, and that he was only induced to promote Henry by the earnest persuasion of others. Having placed him in authority in Ireland he supported him steadily, but in a tentative way and without doing anything to estrange others. He was civil to Hewson and others who were inclined to give trouble, and refused to believe that Fleetwood was in any way disloyal. ‘Take care,’ he wrote to his son, ‘of making it a business to be too hard for the men who contest with you. Being over-concerned may train you into a snare. I have to do with these men, and am not without my exercise. I know they are weak because they are so peremptory in judging others.’ The Anabaptists were chiefly in his mind, but Henry had troubles with the Quakers also, and here, too, the Protector might sympathise. The danger always was that the army would become ill-affected. One of the most troublesome officers was Hewson, who took the lead in petitioning the Protector to send back ‘our present precious Lord Deputy,’ whose appointment had been ‘a refreshment to all the godly in this nation.’ Oliver answered civilly, but without granting the request, cautioning his son against believing anything discreditable to Fleetwood. Henry Cromwell also objected to having John Jones sent back to Ireland as likely to be ‘dangerous and prejudicial to the public,’ by nourishing factions, but drew back rather penitently when he found that Jones was to become his uncle by marrying the Protector’s sister. Hewson was not really dangerous: he made terms for himself, was knighted by Oliver, and accepted a seat in his House of Lords. But Axtell, Vernon, Barrow, and Allen laid down their commissions because the Anabaptists ceased to be the ruling sect, Thurloe attributing their action merely to disappointed greed or ambition. The army, nevertheless, remained faithful, and Henry Cromwell did his best to get the soldiers regularly paid.[285]
Oliver’s second Parliament.