As he endeavoured to keep terms with the Wallingford House party, it was possible to represent Ludlow as an enemy or lukewarm friend to the Parliament. Why, it was asked, had he left London two days before its restoration? His commission, to be of any value under the circumstances, should be dated after that event, whereas he depended on what had been done before the late interval of military violence. In a letter written during that enforced recess he had addressed John Jones as ‘Dear friend,’ and expressed a fear that the Long Parliament would be ‘very high, in case they should be brought in without conditions.’ Two or three days after Ludlow’s arrival at Duncannon, the victorious party in Dublin sent over articles of impeachment against him, Jones, Corbet, and Tomlinson, which were read in the House on January 19. The powers of the accused were at once suspended, and they were summoned to attend, Ludlow being specially ordered to surrender Duncannon to Coote and Jones. The fort was beset in the meantime, and before the decision of Parliament was known Captain Skinner complained that the soldiers outside insulted the garrison with expressions in use only among the worst kind of Cavaliers, such as ‘God damn them!’ and ‘Go to your prayers!’ Some called for the Parliament of 1641, some for that of 1647, and some complained that it was reduced to a ‘rump, fag-end, or limb.’ There had been earlier orders for Ludlow and the three Commissioners to go over and give an account of the state of Ireland, and Monck, whose suggestions at the moment had almost the weight of commands, pressed for their recall and for the appointment of Coote, Broghill, and three others. Ludlow sailed from Duncannon in obedience to the first summons, heard of the impeachment on his way to London, and took his seat in Parliament along with Corbet on January 30. Tomlinson was a prisoner in Dublin Castle, and John Jones at Athlone.[304]
A new Provisional Government, January 1659-60.
A general convention.
Coote and Broghill approach Charles II.
Declaration of Munster officers, February.
Broghill, Coote, and Major William Bury were appointed Commissioners for the government of Ireland in January, and by the end of the month the officers in Dublin had a pretty good understanding with Monck; but they probably forced his hand by summoning a convention to meet on February 7. The places represented were as in Strafford’s time, but no doubt care was taken that the assembly should be entirely Protestant. Sir James Barry, afterwards Lord Santry, was chosen Speaker, and William Temple sat for the county of Carlow. The Council of State ordered the convention to dissolve, but this they refused, while repudiating any idea of separation from England. Sir Hardress Waller had hitherto gone with the rest; but it became evident that Royalism was winning, and he had sat regularly as one of the late King’s judges, and signed his death-warrant. He made himself master of the Castle, and it was believed that he intended to seize Coote and other leaders who had declared in print for a free Parliament and the readmission of all the secluded members. The convention had the power of the purse, and the soldiers in the Castle, who were probably tired of barrack-revolutions and deferred pay, surrendered Waller and the few officers who supported him. Coote sent Sir Arthur Forbes, a noted Royalist who had been with Montrose, to Brussels with an offer of his services, and Charles gladly accepted them, offering an earldom and other benefits, and proposing to join him, ‘except it be more necessary that I go for England.’ Broghill sent his brother Francis, afterwards Lord Shannon, about the same time; and, if we are to believe his not very trustworthy biographer, Charles was on the point of starting for Ireland by way of Calais when he heard that things were going so well in England as to make the journey unnecessary. What is more certain is that Broghill was at Cork three days after Waller’s attempt, and there, at the head of the Munster officers, signed a declaration in favour of a full and free Parliament, and of readmitting the members ousted by Pride’s Purge. All men, they said, were tired of anarchy and of authorities constantly changing, and for the moment there was no safety but in restoring the Long Parliament to its unpurged condition. ‘If the excluded members be readmitted, they must be either the greater or the lesser number in the House; if the lesser, where is the danger of their admission? If the greater, where is the justice of their exclusion? For then it will appear that the minor number keeps out the major.’ Whatever may have been Broghill’s secret negotiations, he kept up a correspondence with Thurloe long after Monck had come to Whitehall, and repudiated the idea of bringing in the King as late as April 24. Even on May 8, when Charles was proclaimed in London, he still talked of preserving ‘the just rights we contended for so successfully in the war,’ very truly observing that if no conditions were made before the then inevitable restoration, it would be next to impossible to make any afterwards.[305]
Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin, May 14.
Coote and Broghill Lords Justices.
According to his biographer and chaplain, Broghill was the moving spirit, and Coote acted under his influence; but this is extremely doubtful. Broghill loved tortuous ways, and was perhaps anxious to leave himself a loophole in any case. Foreseeing the importance of the Convention Parliament in England, he was most anxious to be in it, and, having married a Howard, he found a seat at Arundel. Coote and his friends were ready to declare themselves before decisive steps were taken in London, but it was felt that the restored King might be embarrassed by premature action, and means were taken to delay proceedings. Charles II. was not proclaimed in Dublin till May 14, and on the 25th Broghill was sent with Coote and others to attend the King. Whatever those in all the secrets may have thought, Coote was at first much better received by the Royalists generally, who looked upon his colleague and rival as a trimmer. Three days later the Irish Convention adjourned till November. Monck was appointed Lord Lieutenant and Lord Roberts Deputy; but neither of them came over, and at the end of the year Sir Maurice Eustace, who had been made Lord Chancellor, was appointed Lord Justice, with Coote and Broghill as colleagues. The two soldiers were treated as of equal importance, the one being made Earl of Orrery on September 5, and the other Earl of Mountrath on the following day.[306]