Conference at Trim, March, 1642-3.
In the meantime Charles had made up his mind to treat with the Irish. As early as July 31, 1642, the nobility and gentry assembled at Kilkenny had petitioned the King for an interview where they might affirm their loyalty, and explain the grievances which had induced them to take up arms. This was forwarded through Ormonde, who was warned that if he refused to transmit it he would be held ‘guilty of all the evils that may ensue.’ He first communicated with the Lords Justices and Council, who agreed to forward a copy of the petition to the King with remarks of their own, but as they took a long time about it Ormonde sent over the original himself, ‘being well assured that his Majesty’s judgment is not to be surprised with any colours these rebels can cast upon their foul disloyalty.’ Charles took no notice of the document, and in December the Roman Catholics sent fresh petitions both to the King and Queen. They asked to have a place appointed where they might state their grievances at length. The result was a royal commission, dated January 11, to Ormonde and others, authorising them to meet representatives from the rebels and hear what they had to say. Thomas Burke, one of the Irish Parliamentary Committee who contributed to Strafford’s condemnation, brought over the packet and was himself joined in the commission, which made a very bad impression on the Protestants, since he was believed to have been an abettor of the original outbreak. ‘We have not thought fit,’ Charles wrote to Ormonde at the same time, ‘to admit any of them to our presence, who have been actors or abettors in so odious a rebellion.’ He also sent a paper pointing out that an abrogation of the penal laws would be asked for, but that nothing more could be granted than a mild administration of laws which were never severe. A repeal of Poynings’ Act, or any measure tending to make the Irish Parliament independent, was refused beforehand. Inquiries into forfeitures or titles could not be carried further back than the beginning of the reign, and Recusants were never to hold the majority of official posts. Drogheda was at first designed as the place of meeting, but this was objected to by the Irish, and the conference took place at Trim on March 17. Ormonde was absent in the field, but the statement was received by Clanricarde, Moore, Roscommon, and Sir Maurice Eustace, and by them transmitted to the King.[39]
Irish Remonstrance.
Attack upon Parsons,
who is dismissed.
The Remonstrance presented to Clanricarde and his colleagues at Trim is an able paper, but it hardly afforded a basis for lasting peace between parties whose objects were radically different. The remonstrants objected to the penal laws, which resulted in driving all professors of the old faith from the service of the state, and in employing in their stead upstarts whose great aim was to enrich themselves. The attacks upon property which Strafford had begun were continued after his death, and Sir William Parsons in particular had incurred the gravest odium by using his position as Lord Justice and Master of the Wards to oust the old proprietors from their estates. They demanded a free Parliament, that is, a Parliament in which they would have an overwhelming majority. The Protestant party had never been the most numerous, and with the country in military possession of their opponents they could only hope to return very few members. The immediate result of the Trim meeting was that Charles superseded Parsons and appointed Sir Henry Tichborne Lord Justice in his stead. A few days later he authorised and commanded Ormonde to conclude a truce for one year with the Confederates, and when that was done to carry the Irish army over to Chester.[40]
Inchiquin had not much to fear in Munster from such a general as Barry, but he had no money to support an army in the field. He sent one part of his force to Kerry, where means of subsistence were found, and another under Sir Charles Vavasour to the borders of Tipperary, while he himself sat down before Kilmallock. He had no hope of being able to effect anything without money or stores. Vavasour took Cloghleagh Castle, near Mitchelstown, and after the surrender some of his followers slaughtered the defenders, and apparently some women and children with them. In the meantime Castlehaven received a pressing invitation from some of the Cork gentry, who had no confidence in their own general. He persuaded the council at Kilkenny to give him money, with which he soon raised a body of horse, and on June 4 he routed Vavasour near Kilworth. On Castlehaven’s side only cavalry were engaged, Barry, with the main body, being more than two miles off, and the result was due to panic. Vavasour’s horse for the most part escaped, but he himself was taken prisoner and his force routed. This action was important, because it was the first victory of the Irish in the field since the beginning of the war, for the affair at Julianstown scarcely counted as a battle. Cox, with all his prejudices, says it was a just judgment on Vavasour and his followers, ‘for suffering some inferior officers to violate the quarter they had given to the garrison of Cloghleagh.’[41]
King and Parliament.
Ormonde and Preston.
Arrest of Temple and other Privy Councillors, Aug. 1643.