While Castlehaven was in Munster the Scots threatened Connaught, where there were now virtually three provincial presidents—Lord Dillon of Costello for the King, Sir Charles Coote for the Parliament, and Archbishop Queely for the Kilkenny Confederacy. Ormonde steadfastly abstaining from denouncing the Scots as rebels, for many who had taken the Covenant were really Royalists, and those who had refused it were still worse disposed to the Parliament, whose promises of help had not been kept. The hard treatment of the King at Uxbridge and Montrose’s successes in Scotland had a great effect in Ulster, and for a moment Ormonde thought it possible to unite the English and Scots forces there under his own banner. The officers of the British forces in Ulster—excluding Monro and the new Scots—met at Antrim on May 17 and agreed to receive commissioners from the Parliament. They proposed, in spite of all the misery they had undergone, to continue the war until the conclusion of a safe and honourable peace by consent of King and Parliament, but, they significantly added, they ‘called heaven and earth to witness that it was not their fault, if they were forced to take any other way whatever for their preservation and subsistence.’ Five days before this Coote, who was in England, received a commission as President of Connaught. He hurried over to Ireland, and the presence of so resolute an officer with the necessary authority soon changed the aspect of affairs. First he entered his province at Ballinasloe and ravaged the country almost up to Galway. His next thought was to take Sligo, which was held by Teige O’Connor with a colonel’s commission from the Confederates. Four thousand foot and 500 horse assembled at Augher in Tyrone on June 17, consisting both of English and old Scots, and battering guns were sent to Sligo by sea. At the instance of Clanricarde, Ormonde gave a commission to Lord Taaffe, authorising him to raise troops and resist all who invaded Connaught in breach of the cessation, and Lord-President Dillon was directed to use his services in the last resort; but the appointment was ineffectual for the immediate purpose. Ten days later cannon were brought to bear upon Sligo Castle, and O’Connor surrendered. The town was defended a little longer, but was carried by assault with great slaughter. The Irish accounts say that men, women, and children were killed after quarter had been promised, ‘so as never a man escaped but two men and two women’; but these charges were generally made by both sides during the war, and it is not always possible to test them. The Sligo district was now at the mercy of Sir Frederick Hamilton and his allies, but recruits flocked to Taaffe’s standard in considerable numbers, and he turned his attention to Roscommon. Tulsk was taken by storm, and Major Robert Ormsby, a redoubtable partisan of the Parliament, was taken prisoner. Carrigdrumrusk and Boyle also fell, and then Lord Taaffe was recalled to Dublin. The chief authority in Connaught was for a short time in Archbishop Queely’s hands, but Major Luke Taaffe appears to have commanded the force which attempted to recover Sligo in October. A priest is out of place at the head of any army, and probably some of the evils attending a divided command were felt. At all events a very bad look-out was kept. On October 17 a cavalry detachment from Sir Robert Stewart’s army, under Lord Coloony and another Coote, fell upon the Irish and put them to flight. Sir Frederick Hamilton came up in time to take part in the pursuit, and there was great slaughter. Archbishop Queely was killed, and upon him was found the copy of the Glamorgan treaty which played so important a part.[77]
The nuncio Rinuccini.
His instructions.
The Curia imperfectly informed.
Scope of the nuncio’s mission
Giovanni Battista Rinuccini was of a good old Florentine family, and had been carefully educated. He was in his fifty-third year, and had been Bishop of Fermo since 1625. In 1631 he refused the archbishopric of Florence, telling the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. that he was too much attached to his flock to leave them. When the Irish Confederacy begged for a regular nuncio, Luigi Omodei, afterwards a cardinal, was first chosen, but passed over as a Spanish subject, whose appointment might be disagreeable to France. This was the reason given, and it seems sufficient, but according to Bellings Rinuccini was preferred to please Ferdinand, and that the revenues of Fermo might be applied for a time in liquidation of the bishop’s debts. He was given almost unlimited ecclesiastical authority and patronage in Ireland, with power to visit all monasteries and nunneries, even exempt jurisdictions, and to settle disputes between the various orders. He was directed to be chiefly guided by the advice of archbishop Queely and Bishop Emer Macmahon, and he was to establish the Tridentine decrees firmly. With regard to church lands in lay hands, he was to use his own discretion, treating each case on its merits, and giving grants or leases as he thought best, but always with the proviso that a sufficient part of the profits should be retained for the support of the clergy. About ecclesiastical matters in Ireland the Roman court was very well informed, Luke Wadding being at hand to answer every question. But political affairs were less well understood. Rinuccini was told, for instance, that the Parliament had ‘bound themselves by a sacrilegious oath to maintain and defend what they called the true reformed Protestant religion against all Popish inventions and innovations, and determined to extinguish every spark of the Catholic religion, by extirpating all who adhered to that faith, not only in England and Scotland, but even in Ireland. This dreadful sentence came to the knowledge of the Irish at a time when four thousand men were in arms, who had been levied for the service of the King of Spain, but were then detained in Ireland by order of the Parliament.’ The detention of the troops was indeed one great cause of the outbreak in 1641, but the men had been levied originally not for any foreign prince, but to enable Charles and Strafford to crush the English Parliament and their Scots allies. Parliament was undoubtedly ready to oppress the Roman Catholics, but there is no evidence of any intention to extirpate them. The friars persuaded the people that this had been determined on, and the argument was too convenient to be neglected. The main object of Rinuccini’s mission was to ‘restore and re-establish the public exercise of the Catholic religion in the island of Ireland, and further to lead her people, if not as tributaries to the Holy See, such as they were five centuries ago, to subject themselves to the mild yoke of the Pontiff, at least in all spiritual affairs—thus to gain over souls innumerable to the glories of Paradise.’[78]
Opinion held of Ormonde.
The Queen distrusted,
as well as the King.
The nuncio was informed that the cessation and its various renewals had done no good, and that peace was unlikely because Ormonde would ‘never yield save by force to the wishes of the Catholics.’ The Lord Lieutenant’s Protestantism was sincere, but in Rinuccini’s secret instruction a lingering hope is expressed that he might be gained over, perhaps through the Queen or ‘any particular predilection of which advantage might be taken.’ He had one predilection, the supremacy of the Crown in Church and State. The same secret instructions declared that Henrietta Maria must be kept out of Ireland, because Royalist heretics would flock round her and make the Irish suspicious, and because queens are expensive people to maintain. The Pope would give no help to the faithful in England except on condition that all disabilities affecting them should be taken away, the oath of supremacy abolished, and no peace made until these concessions were confirmed by Parliament. ‘To secure these conditions all the fortresses in Ireland must be put into the hands of English and Irish Catholics, because without some such pledge, their Majesties’ promises can not be depended on.’ No Irish army was to be landed in England if of less force than 10,000 men, ‘who may be able to defend themselves without danger of being cut to pieces by the English who serve under the King ... the Irish Catholics are so hated by the English Protestants that they would be in constant danger of treachery, if marching with cavalry, commanded by Protestant officers,’ and therefore the provision of a body of English Catholic cavalry proportionate to the Irish infantry was a condition precedent to the latter serving in England, and there is much more of the same kind. Had Charles known what ideas prevailed at Rome there would have been no Glamorgan treaty, no royal letters to the Pope or nuncio, and very probably no battle of Naseby.[79]