His answer.
The Irish Government horror-struck.
A copy of the Glamorgan treaty came into Ormonde’s hands, and was shown to Digby, who was in Dublin before the end of November. Glamorgan himself reached the Irish capital on Christmas Eve, and on St. Stephen’s Day he was arrested at Digby’s instance, and closely confined to the Castle, ‘yet with needful attendance and accommodation,’ and not as Rinuccini heard, ‘without even a servant left to attend him.’ The prisoner being brought before the Council, Digby produced copies of the treaty, of the ‘pretended authority’ of March 12, 1644-5, and of the oath taken by Glamorgan. The King complained at this time that Ormonde had been long without writing, the fact probably being that he knew just enough to make him cautious and not enough to enable him to advise. The fatal papers were read to the Irish Council, Digby declaring that the commission was either forged or obtained by fraud, or at the very least limited by other instructions. It was ‘destructive both to his regality and religion,’ and such as the King would never grant to save his Crown or life, or the lives of his wife and children. Next day Glamorgan was examined on interrogatories, framed so as to shield Charles while accumulating blame upon his agent. It was not sought to prove that he had forged the King’s commissions of January 12 and March 12, for probably both Ormonde and Digby knew in their hearts that they were genuine, though they had not seen them before the conclusion of the treaty. The fourth interrogatory was as follows: ‘Did your lordship grant, conclude, and agree, on the behalf of his Majesty, his heirs and successors ... that the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland should and might from thenceforth for ever hold and enjoy all and every such lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments whatsoever by them respectively enjoyed within this kingdom, or by them possessed at any time since October 23, 1641, and all other such lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments belonging to the clergy within this kingdom, other than such as are now actually enjoyed by his Majesty’s Protestant clergy?’ In reply Glamorgan acknowledged the words of the treaty, while considering them ‘not obligatory to his Majesty.’ He was afterwards allowed to add the words ‘and yet without any just blemish of my honour, my honesty, or my conscience.’ At the end of four days Glamorgan was released from close imprisonment, but confined to the walls of the Castle for more than three weeks longer. In reporting to the King the Lord Lieutenant and Council confess that they were ‘stricken with most wonderful horror and astonishment to find so sacred a majesty so highly scandalled and dishonoured.’ And, said Ormonde for himself, ‘it is manifest that the retarding of the peace is no way on the part of me the Lieutenant, but ought rather to be attributed to that underhand dealing of the said Earl, whereby that party have been encouraged to hope for such concessions as they themselves had before receded from, as wanting confidence to insist on matters so unreasonable.’ It was pointed out that Glamorgan had mis-recited the commission authorising Ormonde to treat for peace, that he had acknowledged Mountgarret’s ‘usurped style and title’ as Lord President of the Supreme Council, and that ‘he had strangely misinterpreted the facts of the case when he discerned the alacrity and cheerfulness of the said Catholics to embrace honourable conditions of peace.’ They had shown their loyalty by ‘entertaining a nuncio from the Pope,’ and at the same time negotiating with a messenger from the King of Spain, ‘and how comely it is that such treaty with foreigners should be held at the same time that they are in treaty with his Majesty’s commissioners we humbly submit to his Majesty’s high wisdom.’[83]
Charles repudiates Glamorgan.
Negotiations for peace interrupted.
Glamorgan released on bail.
As soon as Charles heard of the proceedings in Dublin, he proceeded characteristically to repudiate Glamorgan, to whom, he said, he had given a commission to raise and employ troops, ‘and to that purpose only.’ All his other doings were without warrant, and ‘framed of his own head.’ For himself the King was quite ready to go to London and to confer with the two Houses on the basis of making no peace in Ireland without their consent. Failing such a conference, Ormonde was to make a treaty which would preserve the Irish Protestants and the Crown, without being derogatory to the King’s honour and public professions. With chivalrous loyalty, which cannot be too much commended, Glamorgan kept silence under this undeserved rebuke. He had already shown Ormonde the original and given him an attested copy of a document which was probably the patent of April 1, 1644, strictly charging him to keep it secret. It might be useful to the Lord Lieutenant for his ‘future warrantry to his Majesty,’ but publication would not be for the King’s service. Ormonde sent a copy of this paper to the King, describing it as ‘of an extraordinary nature and way of penning,’ but expressing no doubts of its genuineness. The Supreme Council at Kilkenny said negotiations could not go on nor Chester be relieved until ‘a nobleman, so highly esteemed by the nation, and chosen general of that army by the unanimous vote of the Confederate Catholics, were released.’ To Ormonde Charles averred ‘on the word of a Christian’ that he never intended Glamorgan to do anything without his approbation. A prosecution of the Earl was necessary to clear his Majesty’s honour, but he had been actuated by mistaken zeal. The King was quite satisfied with the Lord Lieutenant, and begged him not to sentence Glamorgan, unless he found it too dangerous not to do so. Glamorgan was liberated after nearly a month’s detention, but bound to appear within thirty days after summons, bail being given for 40,000l., half on his own part and half on that of the Earls of Clanricarde and Kildare. Both the sureties had houses in Dame Street, where service was declared good. Glamorgan went back to Kilkenny, entering the town late ‘to avoid the vanity’ of popular demonstrations in his favour, and Rinuccini was rather sorry to see him, because his return removed one obstacle to the conclusion of peace. The interest of Rome was to continue the war, and the nuncio pleaded hard for delay, at least until the articles came to which the Pope had agreed.[84]
Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby.
The Queen’s religion.
The broken reed to be sacrificed.