An avenger of blood.
On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting of eight regiments of foot and six of horse, with some dragoons, in a field three miles north of Dublin. He marched next day and encamped next night at Ballygarth on the Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where the English forces had been routed eight years before. On September 3, Cromwell’s lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there was a week’s delay before the batteries could be got ready, and the heavy guns landed below the town. On the 7th, Aston made a successful sally, but without in any way interrupting the assailants’ preparations. On the morning of the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name of Parliament. ‘To the end,’ he wrote, ‘effusion of blood may be prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the same into my hands to their use. If this be refused you will have no cause to blame me.’ Aston did refuse, and a cannonade was opened against the south-east angle of the town, one battery being against the east, and the other against the south side of St. Mary’s Church. The steeple fell, but the breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, and the cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. No regular approaches were necessary, and about five on the second day the breach was assaulted. The stormers were repulsed once, according to Cromwell and Ludlow, twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who carried the church and some trenches which the defenders had made inside the walls. These inner works really helped the assailants, for they prevented Aston from using his cavalry. The bank was too steep for the English horse, but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and drove a large part of the garrison ‘into the Mill-mount, a place very strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir Arthur Aston, and divers considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them were ordered by me to put all to the sword; and, indeed, being in the heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in the town.’ This is Cromwell’s own account, and he estimates the slain at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven across the bridge and as far as St. Sunday’s Gate, at the far end of the town, where a tower was occupied, as was another near the west gate. About a hundred took refuge in St. Peter’s Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell’s orders. The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and in one case, where fatal shots had been fired, ‘the officers were knocked on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers in the other tower were all spared as to their lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.’ Sir Arthur Aston was known to be fond of money, and it was rumoured that much was hidden in his wooden leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces were found in his belt. According to Wood’s account he was actually despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars were in the town, and they were all killed. That some others of the slain were not soldiers is at least highly probable, for Cromwell himself mentions ‘many inhabitants,’ and in this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a hundred others, in which no special blame rests on the general. Ormonde says not a word about women having suffered; but Bate, who was not in Ireland, states in a book published in the following year that ‘there was not any great respect had to either sex.’ The stories attributed to Thomas Wood, the great antiquary’s brother, rest entirely on hearsay evidence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon.[149]
The carnage lasted for two days.
Richard Talbot.
Demoralisation of Ormonde’s followers.
That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the sword after the storming of their works was not contrary to the laws of war in those days. Ormonde speaks of ‘the book of Martyrs, and the relation of Amboyna,’ but the case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. Ludlow says ‘The slaughter was continued all that day and the next, which extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to discourage others from making opposition,’ but he says nothing more, though he did not love Cromwell. ‘And truly I believe,’ wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, ‘this bitterness will save much effusion of blood.’ The charge that many were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, but if quarter was anywhere promised it was by persons not authorised to give it, for Cromwell himself says that he forbade it immediately after entering the town. English and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster massacre, though very few even of the latter could have had anything to say to it. Among those who escaped was Cornet Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who owed his safety to the humanity of Colonel John Reynolds. According to Hugh Peters the total number slain was 3552, the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, while Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with many wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was himself expected to hold out much longer. He complained that ammunition ran out fast, but it was certainly not exhausted when Cromwell forced the place, and Ormonde expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He was not in a position to do anything, though he had about 3000 men, for they were demoralised by the Rathmines disaster, and decreased daily, either by going to their own homes, ‘or by the revolt of some officers and many private soldiers, the rest showing such dejection of courage, and upon all occasions of want, which are very frequent with us, venting their discontent in such dangerous words, that it was held unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, one side of the town open to receive continual supplies.’ As many as forty-three troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel Mark Trevor, with a strong party of horse, was in charge of ammunition and provisions at Ardee, but was unable to approach Drogheda on the north side.[150]
Ormonde’s treaty with O’Neill, Oct. 20.
Terms of their agreement.
Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly that his only chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe O’Neill, who could still dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. He wrote to him immediately after the battle of Rathmines, and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop of Raphoe, and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed by the ubiquitous Daniel O’Neill, who was believed to have influence with his silent uncle. Immediately before the attack on Drogheda, Charles II. wrote from St. Germains to the Irish general, urging him to return to his allegiance, and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the more famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was directed by Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O’Neill, along with others for his nephew, ‘and to proceed by the said Daniel his advice and direction, and not otherwise.’ The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was not concluded until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the Kilkenny peace should include Ulster, and that O’Neill should be general of that province with 6000 foot and 800 horse. In case of his death or removal, the provincial nobility and gentry were to nominate a successor for the approval of the King’s Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army co-operated with Ormonde, but O’Neill was already ill and unable to lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.[151]