Vast numbers of Protestants had been leaving Ireland ever since the death of Charles II., but many remained because they could not get away or because they had no means elsewhere. Many placemen stood their ground, for patents could not be voided without some process of law, and the depositaries of official knowledge might reasonably hope to be found indispensable. Among them was the accountant-general, James Bonnell, who took up the active duties of his office in 1685. Clarendon, while acknowledging him to be ‘ingenious,’ did not think him strong enough for the work, but there were trained clerks, and he soon learned the business. He had travelled, and saw that Versailles was sucking the life-blood of France as clearly as Arthur Young did more than a century later. He was a remarkably good and religious man, and his Anglican orthodoxy is certified by many bishops, and by the fact that his familiar friend was the Rev. John Strype. Bonnell was, nevertheless, willing to meet the Presbyterians half-way on the question of orders. He spent his salary and his spare time in relieving the wants of others during the time of Tyrconnel and James II. The doctrine of passive obedience weighed heavily with him, but he ‘could not but secretly wish success to King William,’ and accepted the result gladly. When Bishop Cartwright, of whom historians have little good to say, died in Dublin in April 1689, Bonnell gives him credit for fidelity to the Church of England, and a sort of disinterestedness—‘he was buried decently from the Bishop of Meath’s house, and at his charge, for he had no money.’ On July 3, 1690, Bonnell saw his fellow-Protestants ‘congratulate and embrace one another as they met, like persons alive from the dead.’ Later on, when Aughrim had been won and Limerick taken, Bonnell wished to have a parliamentary union as in Cromwell’s time and to make all English laws since Henry VII. applicable to Ireland. By these means the English and Protestant interests might be preserved.[258]
Refugees in Dublin.
Case of Trinity College.
As the principal traders, the skilled artisans and the officials were mostly Protestants, and as they were the chief sufferers the tradition of the Brass Money has naturally been preserved among their descendants. The crowd of fugitives from country visitors added to the confusion. Men who had been rich were reduced to penury, and the holders of power and influence were either in exile or reduced to the condition of a conquered population. As in 1641 the established clergy and laymen with property guaranteed by the Act of Settlement were often surprised at what happened. They found the conquered people friendly enough in common life, and often failed to see that they were perfectly certain to retake their own when they could, and in doing so often to take what never belonged to them. Trinity College, Dublin, though the fellows had escaped personal attainder, was not spared. Under Tyrconnel no rents were paid and but one meal a day was given in the hall, ‘and that a dinner, because the supper is the more expensive by reason of coals, &c.’ But fourpence a day was allowed to each fellow for kitchen and buttery. All arms and horses were taken away. When James landed, Vice-provost Acton and his three remaining colleagues waited on him and were promised protection and encouragement. But six months later the college was turned into a barrack and prison for Protestants. The government grant to the scholars was stopped. The chapel plate—all that was left of a rich store—was sent to the custom-house by Luttrell, but preserved by a friendly commissioner of revenue. The chapel itself was re-consecrated and Mass said there, but later it was made a magazine. All the woodwork in the college was destroyed, first by way of searching for arms, and then no doubt for fuel, of which there was a famine in Dublin. Dr. Michael Moore, a distinguished scholar and a man of high character, was made Provost by James, but soon had to resign as a punishment for having preached against the Jesuits. Another priest, Tiege MacCarthy, had charge of the library, and is honourably distinguished for having preserved the books and manuscripts. Provost Huntingdon and the fellows returned immediately after the Boyne.[259]
FOOTNOTES:
[239] Schomberg’s letters to William, calendared in State Papers, Domestic, July 21 to August 3. Journal in Kazner’s Schomberg, ii. 282. Hamilton to Melville in Leven and Melville Papers, August 1, 1689.
[240] Journal in Kazner’s Schomberg. Story’s Impartial History. Avaux to Louvois, September 10/20. Schomberg to King William, August 16, State Papers, Domestic. Dean’s information is in Clarke’s Life of James, Original Mem., ii. 374. Berwick’s Memoirs. Contemporary letter in Benn’s History of Belfast, p. 171.
[241] Story’s Impartial History, pp. 7-10. Schomberg to King William, August 27, State Papers, Domestic. Light to the Blind. The articles of capitulation are in Story’s Continuation and in McSkimmin’s History of Carrickfergus, part i. Letter printed in Benn’s History of Belfast, p. 171. Nihill’s Journal in Macpherson’s Original Papers, i. 222. Letter of September 2 in Le Fleming Papers.
[242] Story’s Impartial History, pp. 10-16, 38—‘A regiment of Dutch were so well hutted that not above eleven of them died the whole campaign.’ Schomberg letters of September 20 and 21 and January 9, 1689-90, in State Papers, Domestic, and Dalrymple. He says the English were ‘si delicatement élevés,’ that in all countries he had seen them die off at the beginning of a campaign. Early in the journal, in Kazner appx. no. 85, it is said that the English nation ‘veut assez être conduite à son sens et n’aime que peu la subordination quoiqu’au reste très belliqueuse,’ and under September 9 the writer says the English soldiers liked no law but ‘leurs fantaisies.’ Writing on October 8, 1689, Schomberg says his levies were as raw as those of King James, but the latter twice as numerous, Leven and Melville Papers. General Douglas’s opinion of the English soldiers is in Evelyn’s Diary, February 19, 1689-90: they were very brave and very badly treated. Dumont de Bostaquet, whose Mémoires inédits were published in 1864, was with Schomberg in September 1689, and describes the Enniskilleners as very good troops, but ‘trop picoreurs.’
[243] Story’s Impartial Hist., pp. 17-28. Light to the Blind. Avaux to Louis XIV., August 20/30, August 28/September 7, September 10/20, September 17/27. In the last it is mentioned that Rosen visited the outposts at midnight and found all sentries and vedettes asleep, ‘sans en excepter pas un.’ Same to same, October 21/31. Nihill’s journal in Macpherson, i. 222. Memoires du Marquis de Sourches, September 19/29. Schomberg to William III., September 15, 20, 27, October 3, 6, State Papers, Domestic; and Dalrymple. Lord Lisburn to Shrewsbury, September 25, ib. A Jacobite account is in A relation of what most remarkably happened, 1689. On October 28 Dangeau notes that Avaux had told the French King that James’s army was in a good state, twenty-eight battalions of 600 men, sixteen squadrons of cavalry and ten of dragoons. He offered battle in two lines, leaving a reserve under Sutherland. Hamilton was at the centre of the first line with the King, Tyrconnel on the right, Rosen and Galway on the left. Berwick was at the centre of the second line with Sarsfield on the right. A diagram sent by Avaux is in Dangeau’s Diary, iii. 23.